Showing posts with label Progressives. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Progressives. Show all posts

08 November 2012

ELECTION 2012 / Marilyn Katz : On Women Making a Difference

Women win big: Clockwise, from top: Elizabeth Warren, Tammy Baldwin, and Claire McCaskill. Image from PopSugar.

Making a difference:
On women and the election
We are not red states and blue states, we are blue cities (and suburbs) in red states, filled with the young, the diverse, the women -- who are the rising tide.
By Marilyn Katz / The Rag Blog / November 8, 2012

CHICAGO -- The pundits will spend the next days parsing the strategies of the various campaigns, analyzing the Romney campaign’s errors and the Obama campaign’s smart moves -- and all of that will be true.

However, for me, it is the particular efforts of women that made the difference.

Not only were women a decisive voting block, providing Barack with a critical 18 percent gender gap vote, but, from the beginning, we recognized this election as being as much about us as about the President -- about our lives, our futures. And as women always do, we figured out what needed to be done and did it.

Thousands of woman have spent the last nine months raising money, knocking on doors, making endless phone calls. They devoured information and became the critical truth-tellers to neighbors, friends, and strangers.

Personally, I am deeply moved by the constancy, energy, and skills of women that not only brought Barack to victory but also Elizabeth Warren, Claire McCaskill, Tammy Duckworth, Cheri Bustos, Tammy Baldwin, and many others.

While the pundits are looking at the electoral map and talking about it as the "new formula for Democratic victories," I look at it and see the future of America. We are not red states and blue states, we are blue cities (and suburbs) in red states, filled with the young, the diverse, the women -- who are the rising tide.

It is to our credit that in the face of billion-dollar super PACS, scurrilous ads, non-stop barrages from the talking heads of Fox News and the ultra-right, and, despite many dark moments, we persevered. We spoke truth and took power.

It’s long been said that “women can make the difference." And we did.

Also, some reflections on the Jewish vote: Despite unbelievable fear mongering, the tirades and money of Sheldon Adelson and the emails of the Lauders, the Jewish vote has retained its progressive presence, going at least 69% for Obama. As important, 70 of the 71 J Street-endorsed Senate and Congressional candidates won their elections.

These are good "facts on the ground" for encouraging a real path for a two-state solution and peace in Israel and Palestine.

[An anti-war and civil rights organizer during the Vietnam War, Marilyn Katz helped organize security during the August 1968 protests at the Democratic National Convention. Katz has founded and led groups like the Chicago Women’s Union, Reproductive Rights National Network, and Chicago Women Organized for Reproductive Choice in the 1960s and 1970s, and Chicagoans Against War in Iraq in 2002. The founder and president of Chicago-based MK Communications, Katz can be contacted at mkatz@mkcpr.com.  Read more articles by Marilyn Katz on The Rag Blog.]

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ELECTION 2012 / Jonah Raskin : A View from California

"California Dreaming." Art by Tom Horner / Dribble. Inset image below from San Francisco Sentinal.

A view from California:
Which way the wind blows
Obama’s reelection is only the beginning. The hard work of transforming the nation lies ahead
By Jonah Raskin / The Rag Blog / November 8, 2012

SANTA ROSA, California -- Watching national politics from the coast of California, where I live, and where nearly everyone votes for Democrats, feels weird. It felt especially weird on the evening of Election Day as I waited and watched to hear whether Obama would be reelected or Romney would waltz into the White House along with Paul Ryan and Karl Rove.

Whomever Californians chose for president didn’t seem to matter at all. It was all decided before the vote was counted in my own state, and almost all of the attention was focused on what the media calls “swing states.”

As it turned out, Obama won the swing states, including Ohio. He lost the South big, lost the heartland -- from North Dakota to Texas -- and lost the white male vote over the age of 50. But he won the rest: the urban vote, the black vote, the Latino vote, and the vote of the 47% that Romney abused in a campaign speech that came back to bite him big time.

It seems clear that the future of American politics belongs to the Democratic Party, which is now clearly the party of youth, Latinos, women, and the working class. (Hey and a few liberal millionaires, too.)

It’s also the party of students with loans, families who love Obamacare, same sex couples, both married and unmarried, and marijuana smokers who voted to legalize weed in Colorado and Washington.

If the Obama victory signals anything it signals the continuing wave of the cultural revolution that began in the 1960s, spread in the 1970s, took a beating under Reagan in the 1980s, and again with Bush I and Bush II, and that came back strong in 2008.

Obama’s reelection in 2012 is a victory for grassroots democracy of the kind that appeared in the streets and in the parks of Chicago in 1968 during the Democratic National Convention and that literally took a beating from Mayor Daley’s police. That old Democratic Party is gone.

The Occupy Wall Street Movement played a crucial role in the reelection of Obama because it made Americans aware of social, economic, and political inequalities and injustices. It helped us to see that Romney belonged to the party of the 1%, the party that would like to cut social security, go back to the greed feed of the Bush years, and let citizens fend for themselves without government help in the wake of unemployment, storms such as Sandy, and human-made disasters, too.

Watching it all unfold from California felt pretty good on Election Day. We may not tip the scales, or count in the political balance of things, but we know how to vote, whom to vote for, and we don’t swing back and forth. We want Obamacare; we want legal weed; we want same sex marriages to be lawful; we want the government to help the poor, the needy, the homeless and the hungry, just as Roosevelt’s government helped Americans in the Depression of the 1930s.

In fact, Californians voted for Governor Jerry Brown’s measure to increase the state sales tax and to levy higher taxes on people making over $250,000 a year. The funds are earmarked for education where they’re definitely needed.

I don’t know if California is the dog that wags the tail of the nation, or the rest of the country is the dog and California the tail it wags. Do we start trends or do we finish them? It’s not clear, though I hope that the rest of the country begins to like and to accept the idea of taxing the rich and the super-rich. It’s about time.

Obama’s reelection is only the beginning. The hard work of transforming the nation lies ahead. We’ve got to stop war, stop Wall Street greed, stop corporations from funding politicians, stop old conservative white men from bullying and beating up their own sons and daughters, nephews and nieces.

Hey, there’s as much of a generation gap now as there was in 1968, though today it’s clearer which way the winds are blowing, and clearer, too, that history is on the side of youth and change, not on the side of the Mitt Romney’s and the Karl Rove’s of the world.

[Jonah Raskin is the author of American Scream, The Radical Jack London and Rock ‘n’ Roll Women and a frequent contributor to The Rag Blog. Read more articles by Jonah Raskin on The Rag Blog.]

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10 July 2012

RAG BLOG DEBATE / David P. Hamilton and Jay D. Jurie : Electoral Politics and the Left

"Citizens United Carpet Bombing Democracy." Cartoon by DonkeyHotey / Flickr Commons.

A Rag Blog debate:
Electoral politics and the left
David Hamilton argues that the U.S. federal elections in 2012 don't merit being the focus of our attention, while Jay Jurie contends that they still offer worthwhile opportunities for progressives and that the electoral arena should not be abandoned to the Right.
By David P. Hamilton and Jay D. Jurie / The Rag Blog / July 10, 2012

The following exchange between David Hamilton and Jay Jurie began on The Rag Blog's email discussion group, a lively forum in which Rag Blog contributors and followers debate issues of the day with, shall we say, great vigor!

Being a presidential election year, the left in the U.S. is locked into its recurring debate on how to relate to the federal elections. There are always those who decide that the Democratic Party candidate is good enough or the Republican candidate is bad enough that it is essential to support the former -- with one's vote, if not with one's enthusiasm.

Then there are always those who declare that the Democratic Party candidate is essentially subservient to the same corporate interests as the Republican and that we shouldn't be associated with either. When this position involves a third party candidate such as Ralph Nader, the discussion can become bitter.

Here David Hamilton argues that the U.S. federal elections in 2012 don't merit being the focus of our attention, while Jay Jurie contends that they still offer worthwhile opportunities for progressives and that the electoral arena should not be abandoned to the Right.


David P. Hamilton:
The corruption of U.S. electoral politics.

U.S. federal elections are corrupted by capitalist class money to the point that further participation by the Left primarily lends credence to a charade hiding the continuing evisceration of American democracy.
  • In 93% of races for the House of Representatives and 94% of races for the Senate, the candidate with the most money wins. In 98% of the races where the incumbent has the most money, the incumbent wins. The obvious strategy for a candidate is to have the most money; to have your own and/or cater to moneyed interests. For the moneyed interests, the obvious strategy is the way Reagan defeated the Soviet Union in the arms race, by making continued participation financially crippling if not impossible.

  • Presidential election spending is increasing geometrically.
    Total spending on U.S. presidential elections:
    1992 - $ 192.2 million.
    1996 - $ 239.9 million, up 25%.
    2000 - $ 343.1 million, up 43%.
    2004 - $ 717.9 million, up 109%
    2008 - $ 1,324.7 million, up 85%
    2012 - Estimates of total expenditures by all candidates in federal elections go over $5 billion. A conservative estimate is for a 100% increase in expenditures of all candidates in the presidential race over 2008, reaching a total of roughly 13 times more than 20 years ago. It is logical to expect this process of expenditure growth to accelerate markedly in the wake of the “Citizens United” decision.

  • In 2008, small contributions ($200 or less) provided 9% of the funding for House Democrats and 14% for House Republicans. Those percentages are historically declining. The rest comes from the 1% in the form of large contributions, PAC money and self-financing.

  • Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin won his recall election 53 to 47 while spending a record amount of money (over $50 million), outspending his opponent over 7 to 1 and receiving over two-thirds of his money from big out-of-state capitalist donors, specifically the Koch brothers.
In a capitalist hegemony such as in the U.S., all things of social value become commodified, especially political power. The strategy of the capitalist class, that richest less than 1% who own and control the major corporations, is to own the federal government by commodifying elections, largely because the federal government funnels hundreds of billions to them annually and protects their economic privileges.

A crucial part of their strategy is to increase the price of elections as much as possible so that elections must be bought at a price only they can afford. As their money increasingly dominates elections, democracy increasingly diminishes, the principle political objective of the capitalist class.

For the Left to participate in this electoral charade is to give it credibility it does not disserve. Whatever benefits might once have derived from participation now pale compared to the legitimacy the Left stands to gain by leading the denunciation of the system’s inherent corruption. There is no inside-outside strategy, because you don’t have that very expensive entrance ticket and the event is sold out.


Jay D. Jurie: 
Electoral politics: A path to the future or a road to ruin?

That money shapes elections is undeniable. National, state, and even most local elections cannot be won without enormous cash infusions.

As of April 30, the Obama campaign had raised nearly $217 million while the Romney campaign had raised more than $98 million. In the Ohio senatorial race, incumbent Democrat Sherrod Brown had raised over $12 million by March 31, while Republican Josh Mandel had raised over $7 million. Graphically depicting the funding disparities, Independent Scott Rupert had raised some $2,000 (Source: opensecrets.org).

Some contend that grossly disproportionate amounts of spending have made participation by progressives in the electoral process meaningless. However, there are other aspects that must be considered. One would be not just the amounts of money, but its sources.

While the U.S. Supreme Court Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission decision (2010) opened the floodgates to money, that includes cash from labor unions and civic organizations as well as corporate donors. In addition, individual contributors remain a significant factor. For example, the top five contributors to U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, included four labor unions and a citizens association. Of the nearly $5.4 million his re-election campaign has raised so far in the present electoral cycle, over $3 million came from small contributors, that is, those contributing less than $200 (Source: opensecrets.org.)

Although for-profits and wealthy donors have deeper pockets, funding from not-for-profit sources and small contributors may be significant, as shown in the Sanders example. Also illustrated by the Sanders example is the particular candidate or party involved.

Sanders has carefully constructed a base, and has such name recognition, that he may be very difficult to unseat in Vermont. In cases such as these, stepping away from the electoral arena would be self-defeating, it would only abandon turf that has already been won.

An aspect of vital importance is the campaign message, and how effectively it's packaged and delivered. Particularly in swing elections, or districts, a well-crafted campaign message is an essential complement to campaign finance. Without a message that captures the mindset of the voters, or when running a scandal-ridden candidate, a monetary advantage may not suffice.

Depending on circumstances, timing may outweigh money. Since there is effectively a two-party system in the U.S., the only way people have to "punish" those in power is by voting "for the other guy." Due to their displeasure with the George W. Bush regime by 2008, the Republicans took a beating. Two years later, the Democrats under President Obama took a "shellacking," as he expressed it.

Most would likely agree that saturation of the media with campaign ads is the primary concern raised by the Citizens United decision. Those without the funding to outspend their opposition with ads usually understand they must rely instead on a ground game; going door to door, driving voters to the polls, and so on.

A good ground game can sometimes beat a well-financed corporate campaign. In 2004, the Florida branch of the now-defunct ACORN organization caught corporate interests off balance and got a minimum wage added to the state constitution.

Although the leadership of the Democratic Party functions as the junior partner of big business, there is no doubt that the Republicans are the senior partner. Historically, both parties have viewed it as important that some differences be maintained so as to preserve overall system legitimacy. So long as this Janus-style duality exists, the doors to moderation and a certain level of change have not been slammed shut.

For instance, it would be better for Sherrod Brown to remain in the Senate than for him to be beaten by Josh Mandel. If the playing field is abandoned to the far right, then so are appointments to the courts. Participation in electoral politics guarantees neither a rosy path to the future nor a road to ruin, but it remains part of a long journey that has to be taken.

There is no question but that campaign finance reform must be at the top of the list on any meaningful electoral reform agenda. Though it will take considerable pressure from outside the system, ultimately, this sort of change cannot be brought about without recourse to the electoral system. For those who want to participate in such an effort, go here to get involved with overturning Citizens United.

For more about why elections are an imperative component of a comprehensive social change strategy, see this excellent article in The Nation magazine:


David P. Hamilton's response:
“[I]n political science terms, if you are outspent... the way that Republicans can outspend Democrats with unlimited corporate money, the Democrats are going to lose.” -- Rachel Maddow on MSNBC.

“The system is totally gamed.” -- Chris Hedges on Truthdig.

“I most certainly do believe the patient is critically ill, but... I haven't given up hope entirely.” -- Jay Jurie on Facebook.
Though admitting that the system is “critically ill," Jay Jurie’s apologia for the existing electoral system would have us continue putting our energies into life-support mechanisms. He fails to mention that the patient is terminal.

There remain instances where participation in electoral politics continues to make sense, but the point is that with the onrushing tide of corporate money in politics, these instances are rapidly diminishing and those that remain are almost always restricted to supporting the less horrible of the two options presented to you by the 1%.

The idea that the financial support from non-profits can meaningfully mitigate the advantages of the for-profits ignores the existing wide disparity of financing and the actual record of overwhelming success enjoyed by better-financed corporate candidates.

The point is that when campaigns become more costly, as is happening now at a very rapid pace, the advantages of the wealthy increase. Jurie fails to acknowledge this dynamic or its implications for the future.

Sometimes electoral opportunities do arise on a local level that call for our commitment, but these are increasingly rare and don’t happen outside isolated constituencies. Bernie Sanders is a perfect example of such an aberration. He represents Vermont, which has the second smallest population of any state. There are more registered voters in the city of Austin than there are in Vermont.

Sanders ran statewide four times during the 1970’s without ever getting more than 6% of the vote. Finally, in 1981, Sanders won a mayoral race in Burlington, a college town with less than 40,000, by a 10-vote margin with four candidates running and the Democrats divided. Being the great guy he is, he won three more terms as mayor, but was defeated twice more before winning his first statewide office (on his seventh attempt) with his election to Congress in 1992.

He has consistently been reelected ever since and is now a U.S. Senator. That.experience was unique in time and place, little liberal Vermont in the late 20th century. I cannot conceive of a similar scenario occurring in any other state henceforth.

The capitalist hegemony is growing quickly. What Bernie Sanders once accomplished in Vermont, however laudable, is not a model that is very relevant today.

Leftist cadre should have more fundamental concerns than the devotion of their attention and political energy to helping elect Democrats. It is more important to focus on the rapid diminution of democracy that is concurrent with the rising power of corporate capitalist money, now dominating the electoral arena. The death of meaningful democracy given this power inequality is the principal issue of politics in the U.S. today.

Jurie’s argument essentially boils down to another rationalization for supporting Democrats, relying on their strongest argument, that the other guy is worse. This might be acceptable if you limit your political ambitions to marginal gains one might potentially achieve within the confines of identity politics.

Were gay rights my overriding goal, I would be more supportive of Obama. If your political horizons stop at verbiage in support of marriage equality, the right to fight in the imperial army, or the preservation of the Roe decision, you might be happy with the Democrats. But Obama is living proof that identity politics are innately reformist and do not significantly impact issues involving class relationships.

Capitalist hegemony can accommodate the civil rights of non-whites, women’s equality, and gay rights. It can live with legal pot and abortions. But it will not accept reforms that effect their class privileges, existing wealth and income inequality. Progressive taxation, taxing capital earnings the same as wages, estate taxes, wealth taxes, financial transaction taxes, uncapped social security taxes, widespread worker ownership, promotion of union membership, or the provision of good social services to the entire population are forbidden.

The capitalist class abhors democracy, a public sector devoted to social well-being for all, and the protection of the environment, all of which diminish their power and bottom line. It cannot tolerate the diminution of U.S. militarism or the end of a drug war, because it profits by tens of billions annually from each. Our electoral system is now incapable of impinging upon these core economic interests of the capitalist ruling class or their ownership of the political processes.

In response to this condition, Jurie recommends support for a constitutional amendment to reverse the Citizens United decision. This effort is doomed because it ignores of the fact that such an amendment would require the vote of two-thirds of each house of the Congress, plus majority passage by three-fourths of the state legislatures, all already densely populated by politicians on the payroll of the capitalist class and likely to soon become more so.

One might reasonably ask why a very large majority of these legislators, being corrupted fronts for the capitalist class, would vote against the class interests of their benefactors and themselves on a matter so grave as a constitutional amendment to reduce their power.

The Left, at least those to the left of the Democratic Party, has the opportunity to champion democracy. There is already widespread awareness of the rampant economic inequality and the rapid erosion of political democracy that has resulted from the growing influence of corporate money.

It was reflected in the instant popularity of the OWS themes. It is reflected in the lowest voter participation in the developed world. Anti-bankster consciousness is even common among Tea Party adherents and Ron Paul fans. It remains a consciousness without organized leadership. The Left can fill that breech.

But besides advocacy of both economic and political democracy, this leadership challenge requires a thorough critique of the advanced state of corruption of U.S. politics, maintenance of a steady focus on the overall system’s inherent undemocratic defects and rejection on principle of participation in all but the least corrupted electoral venues.

Jurie’s argument is trapped in the “duopoly” of conventional American two-party politics. Those who want fundamental change must escape that duopoly. Leftist leadership has more important things to do than support marginally better candidates trying to pass themselves off as reformers while hiding their corporate affiliations.

The electoral system engenders adherence to its norms, rewarding candidates who accommodate. It will increasingly operate in the interests of the capitalist class as the commodification of the electoral process continues unrestrained. To play in this rigged game is like being an old slot machine junkie living in a Vegas casino.

There is scant opportunity for an inside-outside strategy when there is no room available inside except at a price you cannot imagine.


Jay D. Jurie's response:
"A revolutionary dialectic of the correct transitions must regard the 'long march through the institutions' as a practical and critical action in all social spheres. It must set as its goal the subversive-critical deepening of the contradictions, a process that has been made possible in all the institutions that participate in the organization of day-to-day life." -- Rudy Dutschke, German New Left leader, 1968.
In seeking a straw man for debate, David Hamilton has mischaracterized my position on electoral politics. For instance, my initial statement made it abundantly clear that I am acutely aware of the corrupting influence of money in politics, especially in the wake of the Citizens United decision.

My primary emphasis is on the construction of a vibrant grassroots movement that can challenge not only corporate power in the electoral arena, but replace capitalism itself with a system that, on a far more inclusive and democratic basis, serves the needs and aspirations of society as whole.

This would necessarily involve both electoral and non-electoral means. Not only would Hamilton abandon the electoral field of battle to corporate interests, so also would he leave millions in the lurch. Hundreds of thousands have fought for, and some have died, to secure the right to vote in this country over the past two and a half centuries. Most often the deck was stacked against them, but they put their shoulders to the wheel, built movements and slowly rolled society forward.

Electoral politics and social movements have had a reflexive relationship. Movements have made gaining wider public access to the ballot box possible, and use of the ballot has brought about important social changes. By way of example, the Civil Rights movement began after World War II and some 20 years later, resulted in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

 Since that time, African-Americans have not only experienced far greater access to accommodations and elected thousands of their own representatives to office, but have experienced access to numerous other opportunities, ranging from education to employment to fair housing.

To proclaim "game over" as Hamilton has done, denies all this history and those who not only fought for these gains, but for better or worse, those who still believe participation in the electoral process has some potential. To tell progressive constituencies such as labor, minorities, women, gays, or seniors that such participation is meaningless smacks of white upper middle class privilege, and will surely be regarded that way.

If the process doesn't work, if it's overwhelmed with money, and dominated by a duopoly, which it is, then as Rudi Dutschke informed us, all the more reason to be involved. There are a multitude of ways the present system can be confronted, challenging it to greater openness, responsiveness, and representation.

Again, the weight of history is behind this type of approach, and turning away from it does nothing to challenge the inherent contradictions. Exploiting these contradictions would eventually open the door to class conflict, or if not, at least help spark a legitimacy crisis.

Worse yet, while repudiating electoral participation, Hamilton provides nowhere else to turn. While he vaguely argues we should "champion democracy," he doesn't specify what that means. If change cannot be brought about through voting, then what else does Hamilton propose? He essentially urges a boycott of the polls in return for nothing to show for such an effort. This is a "bargain" very few will likely accept.

Hamilton's position would be far more persuasive were he to propose a non-electoral strategy that might be viewed as feasible and capable of actually "making a difference."

This reply is dedicated to the memory of Harry T. and Harriette V. Moore, who in 1951 gave their lives, in part, in the struggle to secure suffrage for everyone.

[David P. Hamilton, a graduate of the University of Texas at Austin in history and government has been an activist since the Sixties when he was a contributor to the original Rag. Jay D. Jurie, a resident of Sanford, Florida, has been involved with social change for several decades. He researches, writes, and teaches in the areas of public policy, public administration, and urban planning. Read articles by David P. Hamilton and Jay D. Jurie on The Rag Blog.]

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25 April 2012

Harry Targ : Take a Deep Breath!

Image from The Blog of Progress.

Take a deep breath:
How do we build our movements?
The response of 2011 was spontaneous, passionate, daring, and electric in its transformational possibilities.
By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / April 25, 2012

Over the last 14 months we have observed Arab Spring, the Wisconsin uprising, labor ferment throughout the American Heartland, and the formation of Dream coalitions. In addition Occupy movements last fall spread like wildfire all across the country and with the arrival of spring are resuming.

Most recently anti-racist mobilizations have occurred in response to the execution of Troy Davis and the murder of Trayvon Martin.

In response, socialist and progressive organizations, single issue groups, political party activists, and visible pundits have called for or organized rallies, marches, conferences, and other mobilizations in Washington D.C., Chicago, New York, and elsewhere.

Grassroots activists, motivated by a passion for change, and sometimes a sense of desperation, are on the move.

While these are exciting times for progressives and lifetime organizers, it makes sense to take a deep breath, reflect on the concrete situations of struggle we face, and ask ourselves how best to channel (and preserve) our energies and resources.

Particularly, three questions need to be addressed and readdressed as political contexts change:
  • How do we build our movements?
  • What do we want to achieve?
  • How do we decide what to do?

Building our movements

It still is the case that movements are built out of a complicated array of forms of activism. Obviously there are no easy answers or mathematical formulae but several tools are regularly used in our work.

First, education, propaganda, calls to action, and programmatic visions are communicated through the innovative use of various media. Print publications such as newspapers, pamphlets, books, and flyers have been staples of organizers since the printing press was invented. There are some communities, including my own, in which progressive newspapers are printed regularly and distributed.

Various progressive presses, such as Changemaker, have published books and edited materials not readily available to the left reading public. In some communities alternative radio and television programs tell the story of activism on a regular basis. I know of regular progressive radio shows in West Virginia, Indiana, Wisconsin, Texas, and Oregon.

And, of course, 21st century electronics have added a broad array of blogs, listservs, Facebook and websites to the tool kit of radical communication. For all its flaws, and there are many, the Internet has dramatically democratized and made cheaper the ability to communicate messages near and far.

Second, political events provide a way of communicating to and educating audiences of potential activists. In virtually every community where progressive politics is alive and well, groups sponsor public lectures, films, concerts, and picnics and other social gatherings. The idea is to bring people together to listen and talk about key issues, hoping that such activities will recruit new members

Third, activists organize rallies, marches, sit-ins, leafleting campaigns, petition drives, and other public actions that are designed to educate and mobilize activists at the same time. These actions can make the movements more visible, if they receive media attention, and, at least, catch the eye of passersby who are concerned about the issues raised and have not yet committed to organized work to bring about change.

Fourth, organizers generally believe that the most effective but yet the most demanding work involves interpersonal interactions: door to door campaigns, tabling at public events, organizing study groups, and holding meetings that address substantive issues as well as organizational business.

Obviously, each of these forms of activism is vital to the construction of progressive groups and mass movements and if we reflect on the work that we do, all of the four forms are used. In addition, the first three forms can occur at regional or national levels as well as in local communities. The fourth, however, requires work in face-to-face communities, or in what we call the grassroots.


What do we want to achieve?

Most progressive movements are motivated by a variety of goals. Of necessity, most of the goals are short or medium range, while in the end most progressives and/or socialists are committed to the construction of a humane, democratic, and socialist society; one in which the basic needs and wants of every person are met.

Progressives want to educate. That is, they want to communicate and convince a large group of people that particular policies and the general vision of a more humane society are desirable and achievable.

Education involves presenting a compelling analysis of the nature and reasons societies are failing to meet the needs of the people, presenting an alternative vision of society that can meet peoples’ needs, and offering some explanation as to how we can move from here to there.

Progressives want to mobilize large numbers of people to their cause. The forces of reaction have vast economic resources, are positioned in the apex of powerful political and economic institutions, and oftentimes have access to the repressive apparatuses of the state. Social movements throughout history have been effective to the extent that they have been able to assemble their one potential resource, large numbers of people.

While “people power” is a slogan, it also is a fact. Again, from Tahrir Square, to Madison, Wisconsin, to Occupy Wall Street, it has been large numbers of loud, militant, and angry people who have forced their resistance on the public stage.

Progressives want to use people power to deliver demands to those who administer the state. The wealthy and powerful can communicate their wishes to policymakers in the corridors of power. The people can communicate primarily by delivering demands.

While small groups of progressives have been able to make their demands visible through bold actions that find their way sometimes into the media, we have learned over and over again that masses of people, delivering demands, have a greater likelihood of being heard and mobilizing others to the cause.

Many progressives believe that electoral work remains a powerful tool for educating, mobilizing, delivering demands and, on occasion, successfully transforming their passions into policies. In a society like our own in which “politics” is defined by most people as elections, progressives need to engage in that arena (along with other venues).

It is because of elections that activists can knock on doors, talk about single payer health care, convince people that wars in Afghanistan and other places are ill-advised, and communicate to people that the rights of workers, women, and people of color must be protected.

All of these goals require raising money and signing up new members. Organization building is both a goal and a means to achieve other goals. One of the enduring dilemmas for today’s progressives is that on the one hand vast majorities of people support progressive change when asked but only tiny minorities step forward to work to create that change.

Further, there are traditions among political activists that claim that organization-building is antithetical to political change. And, many of those who are readily available to protest, sit-in, and generally raise hell are resistant to attending meetings, debating strategy and tactics, entering names of new members on computer lists, and all the other necessities of organization building that are frankly boring.

In certain circumstances, progressives feel a need to bring institutions to a halt. Tactics such as the strike, the occupation, and the work slowdown take on a life of their own as activists seek to bring the institutions of oppression and exploitation to a halt, at least for a time.

Such actions are themselves a goal and a tool for achieving other goals. In each of the path-breaking campaigns listed at the outset, dramatic actions stimulated the creation of mass movements. Oftentimes the actions themselves spark the construction of movements for fundamental change.

Finally, some progressives have acted on the belief that alternative institutions can and should be built within the old order. Progressives learn by doing, engage in trial and error institution-building, and provide visible models for those who have not yet joined the movement. Sometimes the alternative institutions fulfill a need irrespective of the effectiveness the alternatives served in building a mass movement.


Deciding what to do

This is the perhaps the most difficult issue to address. The year 2011 was an extraordinary time in social movement history. After a long drought in America (and perhaps around the world) masses of workers, women, people of color, youth, the elderly, and people from faith communities stood up and said “no” to dictatorship, attacks on workers’ rights, the war on women, violent racism, and further destruction of the air, water, and natural landscape.

The magnitude of the uprisings probably matches the thirties or the sixties in the United States. Paradoxically, despite the long years of grassroots activism and important work done by national organizations, progressives were caught by surprise.

As a result of the shock waves of 2011 we should reflect upon the issues that need to be addressed, prioritizing work on them based on available resources. Progressives should make decisions about prioritizing short and/or long term policy and structural changes and the question of the location of venues for action at given times.

For some (I am one) politics begins at the base; that is in the communities in which activists are located. For others, coalition building at the national level must be prioritized.

What seems clear is that the forces of reaction in the United States and elsewhere are organized. They have enormous resources. They have been planning for a long time to reconstruct economic and political institutions to shift power and wealth back to the few.

Since the 1980s at least ruling elites have sought to return America to the “gilded age,” the post-civil war era when bankers and speculators ruled America without cumbersome government provisions of some rights and resources to the vast majority of people.

The response of 2011 was spontaneous, passionate, daring, and electric in its transformational possibilities. But now, progressives need to reflect on where we are, what our resources are, how to use them effectively, what priorities in action need to be developed, and how we might most effectively empower people.

Spontaneity and reflection represent two dimensions of a successful social movement. One alone will not create the kind of humane society most of us are working to achieve.

[Harry Targ is a professor of political science at Purdue University who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical -- and that's also the name of his new book which can be found at Lulu.com. Read more of Harry Targ's articles on The Rag Blog.]

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26 January 2012

Thorne Webb Dreyer : Peace and Justice Activist Tom Hayden on Rag Radio


As Port Huron turns 50:
Peace and justice activist
Tom Hayden on Rag Radio


By Thorne Webb Dreyer / The Rag Blog / January 26, 2012

Peace and justice activist Tom Hayden, a driving force in SDS and the Sixties New Left, was our guest on Rag Radio on January 6 and January 20, 2012. On the two hour-long programs we discussed the legacy of SDS and Sixties activism, as well as contemporary American society, foreign policy, and progressive politics.

The shows can be heard here and here.

Progressive Activist and SDS Pioneer Tom Hayden
on Rag Radio with Thorne Dreyer, Jan. 6, 2012:


Progressive Activist Tom Hayden on Current Issues
on Rag Radio with Thorne Dreyer, Jan. 20, 2012:


Rag Radio, which has been aired since September 2009 on KOOP 91.7-FM, a cooperatively-run all-volunteer community radio station in Austin, Texas, features hour-long in-depth interviews and discussion about issues of progressive politics, culture, and history. It is hosted by Rag Blog editor and SDS veteran Thorne Dreyer.

Tom Hayden was the primary author of the Port Huron Statement, SDS’ 1962 “Agenda for a Generation,” the legendary SDS manifesto that is celebrating its 50th anniversary this year with events at UCLA, UC-Santa Barbara, NYU, MIT, and the University of Michigan, and at the Los Angeles Times Book Festival. Historian James Miller called the Port Huron Statement “one of the pivotal documents in post-war American history.”

Ken Handel, writing in The Rag Blog on July 19, 2011, said that, “The 59 SDS members who assembled in the small Michigan town of Port Huron in June 1962 could not accept a status quo that tolerated the possibility of nuclear annihilation, state-sanctioned racism, and a nation suffering from extensive poverty amidst affluence.”

The Port Huron Statement -- which brought the term “participatory democracy” into the common parlance -- begins in words familiar to most anyone who was active in the era. “We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.” It concludes: “If we appear to seek the unattainable, as it has been said, then let it be known that we do so to avoid the unimaginable.”

In the Rag Radio interviews, Hayden compared the era in which the Port Huron Statement was written with the world today: “The Cold War is gone, but not the threat of nuclear weapons, and I think the Cold War has been replaced as a template by the global war on terrorism, which requires secrecy, excessive military spending, and the shrinking of civil liberties.”

“So many of the issues that plagued us as young people then, plague students today,” Hayden said, “but I think the big difference is the economic recession and the gloom.” We are moving, he said, into a “whole new period of conflict and threats involving the possible use of force with China, and that’s going to be the next generation’s issue.”

Reflecting on Port Huron, Hayden said that "these crazy, inspired, visionary documents often come from the young and liberated and innocent. Most of us who wrote it were 21 years old and it remains to be seen whether such a document materializes again..." But, he added, "It’s a little uncanny how the words of the Port Huron Statement echo today, as it’s used in classes and a lot of the students can’t tell when it was written."

According to Nicholas Lemann of The Atlantic, “Tom Hayden changed America.” Hayden was a Freedom Rider in the deep South, a community organizer in Newark, N.J., and one of the most visible and articulate opponents of the War in Vietnam. He was one of the Chicago Seven, arrested during demonstrations at the 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention. Richard Goodwin, an advisor to presidents Kennedy and Johnson, said Hayden "created the blueprint for the Great Society programs."

Hayden later organized the grassroots Campaign for Economic Democracy in California, and served for 18 years in the California State Assembly and Senate. At that time, The Sacramento Bee called Hayden “the conscience of the Senate.”

Tom has recently taught at Scripps College and Pitzer College, Occidental College, and Harvard University’s Institute of Politics; and is currently teaching a class at UCLA on protest movements from Port Huron to the present.

Hayden, who is the author or editor of 19 books and serves on the editorial board of The Nation, is a leading progressive activist and an outspoken critic of the Pentagon's “Long War.” He was an initiator of Progressives for Obama, a group that offered critical support for Barack Obama during his initial campaign for the presidency. Hayden is director of the Peace and Justice Resource Center in Culver City, California, edits the Peace Exchange Bulletin, and organizes anti-war activities for the Progressive Democrats of America (PDA).

On Rag Radio, Tom Hayden discussed his work with the Peace and Justice Resource Center, explaining that its mission is to provide “original research and reporting and networking principally around the ending of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the ‘Long War’ doctrine behind them, and the war on the border that we share with California, Texas, and Mexico where 47,000 people have died since 2006.”

He said it’s important that we realize that Obama’s ending the war in Iraq was a victory for the anti-war movement, and he expresses serious concern over the possibility of war with Iran, even though he doesn’t believe such a war would be in the United States’ “imperial interests.” Hayden recently wrote that “rational self interest is not always enough to prevent what Barbara Tuchman has called the ‘march to folly.’”

He fears things could be getting out of control “because it’s an election year in America.” Obama “doesn’t exactly need a war in the election year because it will drive up oil prices,” he said. “He’s looking at the Democratic Party and they’re pretty limp… the doves in the Democratic Party are not exactly flapping.”

“You see the right wing Israeli government of Netanyahu very intertwined with Romney and Gingrich. And they’re pounding on Obama to do something,” he says.

“It’s sort of stunning. I didn’t know until last year that Romney was in business with Netanyahu. They were business partners in a consulting firm… And Gingrich. The guy that bailed him out, Adelson, the casino billionaire, is very, very close to Netanyahu. Adelson owns newspapers in Israel that support Netanyahu. And both of them [Romney and Gingrich] are for a war with Iran, if need be, or forcing Iran to essentially submit to regime change.”

Hayden said that Obama was responding to pressure from environmentalists in postponing the Keystone Pipeline. “Bill McKibben, whose credentials as an environmental fighter go unchallenged, actually said on Pacifica… that he thought that the president’s decision was bold and brave.”

Looking to the 2012 elections, Hayden said, “My philosophy is that there’s no one prescription for the vast diversity of protesters, progressives, and radicals, and movement activists in this country..."

He believes we should take a "pluralistic approach where we should look to the federal government to protect certain basic standards but also allow cities and states to take more progressive steps where they can, so that we’re not bound by the lowest possible standard."

"You could start with state initiatives, the way California has done for decades, on energy efficiency, on solar power, anti-Nuke, and fuel efficiency standards for automobiles. And linking up with other states, they begin to create a powerful political and economic force for an alternative," he said. "I think we win by building progressive power in certain areas of the country and then eventually the federal government is forced to go along."

Hayden suggests "we should study more how our victories are won and how our defeats are suffered, and learn more about the interaction between social movements and electoral politics and this president... We’ve had a couple of years to see what works and what doesn’t and we need to move forward…"

He also says we should "focus more on Citizens United and taking down the infernal power of finance capital and the corporations over the campaign contributions.”

Hayden believes we need to reelect Obama, “hopefully elect Elizabeth Warren as a symbolic crusader against Wall Street in Massachusetts… [and] at all costs, do not lose the presidency and the Senate and the House to the Republicans, unless you’re ready for a juggernaut backed by a crazy right-wing U.S. Supreme Court.”

As far as Obama’s performance: “Do I think that he has performed less well than I would have hoped? Yes, absolutely. But it’s an experiment, it’s a learning enterprise… he’s always going to be a disappointment as a centrist because he needs to have a left against him in order to counterbalance the right.”

Hayden believes that Wisconsin has been the site of “the single most important political and economic struggle in the country… [Wisconsin] was the spearpoint of the Tea Party governors who wanted to destroy labor -- public sector unions -- and the spear got broken by the Wisconsin opposition.”

“If we ever mark a time when the Tea Party started to be repelled and pushed back, I think it started in Wisconsin.”

Hayden notes that Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker offered the police and the firefighters a deal “to exempt them from his attack on public sector workers, because he wanted to go after the teachers’ unions and so forth -- and they said no.”

“If you go out there to Wisconsin to this day you’ll find the fife and drum corps of the firefighters, dressed in kilts, playing their instruments and leading the crowds into the state capitol, where they take the place over for an hour a day and sing all these very lively, energized radical labor songs.”

Hayden's not sure how powerful the Occupy movement is. “They had a surprising beginning, amazing acceleration and spread, they had tremendous media impact on the income equality issues, but they don’t have the Tea Party’s resource base or political base.”

But, “as long as we have our economic misery and Wall Street is out there as a big fat plutocratic target, I think Occupy will keep coming back in different forms.”

“These movements always come like the wind, they come out of nowhere, they come by surprise. It’s very hopeful, and it’s become a universal consensus that they’ve changed the dialogue to income inequality and poverty.”

And, “If you read the manifesto of Occupy Wall Street, the very first principle in their statement of principles is a transparent 'participatory democracy.'" The Occupy movement is clearly “carrying on the participatory democracy tradition.”

Port Huron lives. Fifty years and counting.


Rag Radio -- hosted and produced by Rag Blog editor Thorne Dreyer -- is broadcast every Friday from 2-3 p.m. (CST) on KOOP 91.7-FM in Austin, and streamed live on the web. After broadcast, all episodes are posted as podcasts and can be downloaded at the Internet Archive. Tracey Schulz is the show's engineer and co-producer.

Rag Radio is also rebroadcast on Sundays at 10 a.m. (EST) on WFTE, 90.3-FM in Mt. Cobb, PA, and 105.7-FM in Scranton, PA. Rag Radio is produced in the KOOP studios, in association with The Rag Blog, a progressive internet newsmagazine, and the New Journalism Project, a Texas 501(c)(3) nonprofit corporation.

[Thorne Dreyer was a prominent Sixties activist and underground journalist. Active with SDS in Austin and nationally, Dreyer was a founding editor of The Rag in Austin and Space City! in Houston, was on the editorial collective of Liberation News Service (LNS) in New York, and was manager of Pacifica Radio's KPFT-FM in Houston. He now edits The Rag Blog, hosts Rag Radio on KOOP 91-7-FM in Austin, and is a director of the New Journalism Project. Read more articles by and about Thorne Dreyer on The Rag Blog.]

Coming up on Rag Radio:

Jan. 27, 2012: Authors Kim Simpson and Jan Reid discuss the American radio revolution of the '60s and '70s.
Feb. 3, 2012: Historian and political economist Gar Alperovitz, author of
America Beyond Capitalism.

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09 January 2012

Harry Targ : Brute Facts and Political Choices, 2012

Protesters at the State Capitol building in Madison, WI., demonstrating against Gov. Scott Walker’s anti-union legislation. Photo by Mark Hirsch / Getty Images.

Brute facts and political choices:
Thinking about 2012

By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / January 9, 2012

The year 2011 was truly an exciting year for progressives. Arab spring sent shock waves across the Middle East, launching a campaign for democratization that will ultimately impact every regime in the region. Also Arab spring confirmed to the rest of the world, including the United States, and particularly those engaged in Occupy movements, that mass mobilization, challenging economic control and military might with people power, can affect history.

The spirit of grassroots anger, activism, a growing sense of solidarity across races, gender, class, and national boundaries, planted the seeds for the rise of a new age out of the old. As the young people in Tahrir Square knew from the beginning of their protest, the struggle will be long, sometimes bloody, but the 99 per cent, in the end, will win.

But 2011 also showed the world that politics can be ruthless. Masses of people died in Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Afghanistan, and in various locations in Africa, Europe, and North America. The United States shifted priorities from sending the military everywhere to supporting private armies and high tech drone warfare. Secret intelligence agencies now define the threats to the United States who are targeted for assassination.

Meanwhile the mass media has celebrated executions abroad and at home and the deaths of ostracized leaders. In many ways 21st century global culture has become a “death culture,” in its entertainment as well as its politics. Killing has become fun.

Within the United States, political forces have been unleashed that are trying to return politics to the Dark Ages:
  • escalating the shift in wealth and power from the many to the few
  • destroying the historic right of workers to organize to better articulate their interests
  • privatizing education, health care, and basic concern for the environment
  • transferring control of women’s bodies from themselves to various churches and private interest groups
  • increasing the power of police to control people’s lives, using pepper spray, SWAT teams, covert operations, and spying to serve the status quo
  • eliminating longstanding legal procedures that have given some protection to people, particularly minorities, who have been accused of crimes
  • using, abusing, and disposing of immigrant workers.
Protests against the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya, February 2011. Image from News4Europe.

So at the dawn of the 2012 the world continues its contradictory path. And as the forces of light and darkness contend, progressives once again are confronted with political choices. As the debates escalate, particularly in the electoral arena, some of the summary data I accumulated just after the 2010 election remains relevant:
From data reported in the media between November 3rd and 10th, 2010 the new United States Senate will be comprised of 51 Democratic Senators and two Independents and 47 Republicans. The Republicans experienced their biggest gains in the House of Representatives winning 239 seats to 189 for the Democrats... The 2011 distribution of the governorships will include at least 29 Republicans and 18 Democrats. In sum, the elections brought Republican control to the House of Representatives and significant shifts in gubernatorial contests which will impact on the redistricting of House of Representative districts for the next decade.

At the state level, Republican candidates won 650 seats in legislative assemblies, taking control of 19 legislative bodies from Democrats. For example, Republicans gained both state houses in Alabama, Maine, Minnesota, New Hampshire, North Carolina, and Wisconsin. They won an additional house to take control of both houses in Colorado, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Montana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania.

Through gubernatorial and legislative victories at the state level Republicans will control the designation of 170 congressional districts while Democrats will control 70. The rest, about 200, will be determined by bipartisan bodies.

Republicans won three state legislatures in the Northeast, eight in the South, nine in the Midwest, and five in the West. Looking at a USA map of red and blue states, 27 states will be red in the next period.
As I write, Indiana workers are marching inside and outside the state capital protesting the backroom passage of a new right-to-work law. Indiana has not been a right-to-work state since the 1960s. In 2008, the Indiana House of Representatives consisted of 52 Democrats and 47 Republicans. Today the House has 60 Republicans and 40 Democrats.

And as a result of the 2010 election, not only is it likely that right-to-work legislation will become a reality in Indiana but education and resources for women’s reproductive health will be even more vulnerable.

There are similar stories to be told in each and every state, as well as in the national political arena. And, at the same time, there are differences in politics and history in each state and locale. And make note: none of this has much to do with the selection of nominees for president of the United States. That story is the circus, the Super Bowl -- Romney or Santorum, the “moderate” Republican or the “social conservative.”

So progressives have a lot to think about in 2012: how to protect the people, the 99 percent, from all the hurt that they increasingly will experience in the short run while at the same time moving “inch by inch, row by row” to the vision that animated Arab Spring, Ohio, and Madison, Wisconsin.

[Harry Targ is a professor of political science at Purdue University who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical -- and that's also the name of his new book which can be found at Lulu.com. Read more of Harry Targ's articles on The Rag Blog.]

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23 May 2011

Bill Fletcher, Jr. : Obama, Progressives, and the White Nationalist Backlash

Image from Reckless Eyeballing.

Task for progressives in 2012:
Monkey-wrenching the white united front
It has been striking that many progressives have said so little about race, racism, and the discourse of right-wing populism in the context of the upcoming elections.
By Bill Fletcher, Jr. / The Rag Blog / May 22, 2011

In the context of the criticisms that many of us have of the Obama administration for what it has not accomplished, for its advance of a corporate agenda, and for the unacceptable compromises it has made with the Republicans, there is something that I have seen few progressives address.

To borrow from a comment offered by television commentator Tavis Smiley, the 2012 elections are likely to be the most racist that most of us have seen in our lifetimes. Given this, what are the implications?

It has been striking that many progressives, particularly those who have not only written off President Obama but also written off all those who offered critical support to the Obama campaign in 2008, have said so little about race, racism, and the discourse of right-wing populism in the context of the upcoming elections.

We have witnessed the first Black president of the United States questioned about his citizenship and birthplace, yet I have seen precious little from many friends on the left side of the aisle (particularly those so critical of Obama) responding to this. If you put your ear to the ground, however, you hear the murmurings of Black Americans furious that Obama was put in a place where he had to file a petition in order to obtain his Hawaii birth certificate.

The murmurings do not stop there. When Donald Trump and other opportunists started asking questions about how it was that Obama got into Columbia University and Harvard Law School (i.e., was he REALLY qualified to have gotten into those schools?), for most of us enough was enough. Because this was no longer about Obama and it had very little to do with criticisms of Obama and his policies.

The white nationalist backlash is using Obama as the target but they are attempting to create a white united front to, in their minds, take back the United States. Part of this agenda means delegitimizing the democratically elected President, but it also goes towards tampering with election laws and voting processes in state after state.

In case you have not noticed, in many states where there is a Republican majority in control, efforts are underway to restrict voting, whether by further limiting ex-felons from voting, to eliminating same-day voter registration, to the demand for picture identifications at the time of voting, to the shortening of periods of early voting.

The objective is to reduce the potential anti-Republican electorate. This is being done by demagogically and inaccurately crowing about alleged voter fraud. But this happens through the Right racializing alleged voter fraud. In other words, as opposed to a discussion about real voter theft, e.g., the Republican theft of the 2000 election, the right wing uses black and brown characters as the way of convincing segments of the white populace that something needs to be done, otherwise these colored peoples will be taking over.

The racist attacks on Obama, then, fuse with the larger right-wing narrative: the United States of America is being lost to white people. This has been the core of the Birther message, but it has also been the core of the attacks that contributed to the collapse of ACORN, as well as the blitzkrieg effort of the Right to overturn voting rights.

In its more extreme version it is the core of the message that comes out of the fascist and semi-fascist movements among white nationalists such as the Sovereign Citizens (the subject of a segment of the May 15th episode of 60 Minutes).

What we are witnessing is disturbingly similar to the period of the overthrow of Reconstruction and the building of the Jim Crow segregationist system in the South. Appealing to fears among whites, and in a frantic effort to destabilize any efforts at unity between the black and white poor in the South at the end of the 19th century, white Southern elites moved an agenda of voter disenfranchisement, hiding behind various coded concerns such as the literacy of the electorate.

African Americans were completely disenfranchised, and quite ironically, so were many poor whites.

Despite our knowledge of history and awareness of the antics of white right-wing populism, few progressives are discussing the implications of any of this for the 2012 elections. The implications, it would seem to me, are quite profound, and range from what this means about HOW to criticize the Obama administration, to how to ensure that the elections are not outright stolen by the white Right.

Just to be clear before some of my critics start yelling that "Fletcher is covering for Obama," this column is about racial politics in the USA. The particular flashpoint happens to be Obama but what is at stake, as I have attempted to elaborate, is far more than the political future of a corporate liberal president.

Silence on the part of progressives in the face of this situation, despite our own legitimate criticisms of Obama, misses the larger picture. Yes, we must criticize Obama; yes, we must push this administration; yes, we must protest any retrograde domestic or foreign policies. But in the end, we need to be discussing how this is done in the context of fighting a white, right-wing populism that is arguing that Obama is an alien and that he (and the changing demographics of the USA) represents the end of the white "American Dream."

We should have no illusions that the Republican candidate for the presidency, irrespective of who gets it, will center their campaign on anything but this one, critical message.

I think it is time to talk about strategy and tactics in the fight for power and against the Right, and not only about matters of policy. Politics is dirty, but it is also very complicated, that is, if one exists in the real world rather than in one's own playpen.

[BlackCommentator.com editorial board member, Bill Fletcher, Jr., is a Senior Scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies, the immediate past president of TransAfricaForum and co-author of Solidarity Divided: The Crisis in Organized Labor and a New Path toward Social Justice (University of California Press), which examines the crisis of organized labor in the USA. This article was first posted at BlackCommentator.com and was distributed by Progressive America Rising.]

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23 November 2010

David P. Hamilton : Parsing the Midterms: A Progressive Exodus

Political cartoon by Mike Keefe / inToon.com.

2010 Elections:
Where the votes came from
and how the Dems lost big
My hypothesis is that most of the excess decline in support for Democratic Party congressional candidates in 2010 was from political progressives of all ages, ethnicities, genders, and sexual orientations.
By David P. Hamilton / The Rag Blog / November 23, 2010

Was the performance of the Democratic Party congressional candidates uniquely bad in the 2010 midterm election? If so, why was that the case?

Composite of U.S. House of Representatives elections, 1990-2010
Year / Democratic...Republican...Independent...Libertarian...Green...Total...%
1992 / 48,550,096...43,498,015...1,255,726...848,614...134,072...97,198,316...50.8
1994 / 31,542,823...36,325,809...497,403...415,944...40,177...70,493,648...36.6
1996 / 43,393,580...43,120,872...572,746...651,448...113,773...90,233,467...45.8
1998 / 31,391,834...31,983,612...372,072...880,024...70,932...66,604,802...32.9
2000 / 46,411,559...46,750,175...683,098...1,610,292...279,158...98,799,963...46.3
2002 / 33,642,142...37,091,270...403,670...1,030,171...286,962...74,706,555...34.3
2004 / 52,745,121...55,713,412...674,202...1,040,465...331,298...113,192,286...51.4
2006 / 42,082,311...35,674,808...417,895...657,435...234,939...80,975,537...35.7
2008 / 64,888,090...51,952,981...729,798...1,083,096...570,780...122,586,293...52.3*
2010 / 35,377,756...41,128,504...79,500,000*...33.7*


% refers to the percentage of eligible voters who voted.
* estimates based on unofficial figures.



Observations based on the above

1. The percentage participation in U.S. House midterm elections has not changed significantly over the past 20 years, ranging from a low of 33.1 in 1990 to a high of 36.6 in 1994. 2010 was toward the lower end of this narrow spectrum at 33.7%.

2. The percentage drop off in total voter turnout from a presidential year to the following midterm: 1992/94 - 14.2%, 1996/98 – 12.9%, 2000/02 – 12.0%, 2004/06 – 15.7%, 2008/10 – 18.6% *(est). The average drop off in the four election cycles preceding 2008/2010 was 13.7%. Hence, the 2008/10 drop off exceeded the recent average percentage drop by 36%. On the other hand, the 2008 turnout was the highest in decades. These totals include supporters of all parties.

3. The percentage decline of total votes for Democratic congressional candidates from presidential to midterm elections in each cycle: 1992/94 – 35%, 1996/98 – 28%, 2000/02 – 27.5%, 2004/06 – 20%, 2008/10 – 45.5%. The drop off in support for Democratic Party congressional candidates in the 2010 midterm election was historically very high, reversing a trend toward less of a drop off and more than doubling the percentage drop off from the preceding cycle.

The numerical drop in votes for Democratic congressional candidates in the 2008/10 cycle was even more striking, 29.5 million votes. That compares to drops of 17 million in 1992/94, 12 million in 1996/98, 12.8 million in 2000/02, and 10.7 million in 2004/06. Considering the long term downward trend in the drop during each cycle, I estimate that 18-20 million more Democratic Party voters didn’t vote in 2010 compared to what historical trends would have predicted.


Other observations

4. According to estimates from several sources, the youth vote (under 30) dropped from 18% of voters in 2008 (.18 x 122,586,293 = 22,065,533) to 9% in 2010 (.09 x 79,500,000* = 7,115,000). That represents a decline of 68%. It is estimated that 58% of this vote went for Obama in 2008. Hence, if this percentage held constant in both 2008 and 2010, Democrats received 12.8 million youth votes in 2008 and 4.1 in the 2010 election. A more normal drop of 30% would have given the Democrats close to 9 million youth votes in 2010. Hence, Democrats lost nearly 5 million of their excess vote decline in 2010 among youth.

5. African-American vote. One estimate was that it dropped from 13% of the total vote in 2008 (15,868,500) to 10% in 2010 (7,950,000), a numerical drop of nearly 8 million and a percentage drop of roughly 50%. But 2008 represented a historic high in African American voter turnout. They represent roughly 10% of eligible voters. Hence, their turnout was more normal than in 2008. Still, if their turnout decline had been more like 30%, the Democrats would have received nearly 3 million more votes.

6. Latino vote. Commentaries so far indicate that the Latino vote was larger than expected and underestimated by pre-election polls. Democrats won this vote in congressional races by almost two to one, but Latino Republicans won governorships in Nevada, New Mexico, and Florida. Still, while it doubtless did decline numerically from 2008, it is reasonable to say that the Latino vote did not contribute to the excess Democratic decline.

7. Gay/lesbian vote. According to the Huffington Post, “Democrats' share of the gay vote rose from 75 percent in 2006 to 80 percent in 2008 and then dropped to 68 percent in 2010. Each year, approximately 3 percent of voters identified as gay, lesbian or bisexual.” Assuming that this is a very conservative estimate of the gay/lesbian vote, there were at least 2.5 million gay/lesbian voters in 2010 and 3.75 million in 2008. Hence, in 2008, the Democrats received about 3 million gay/lesbian votes and in 2010 they received just over 1.6 million, a decline of 48%. A more normal drop off of 30% would have given the Democrats more than a half million more gay/lesbian votes.

8. Women’s vote. I can’t find a source on percentages and numbers for women’s turnout in 2010. Democrats generally enjoy a “gender gap” among women voters of 7-8% on average. One commentary had independent white women voters switching markedly from Democrat to Republican in 2010. If women represented 55% of the voters and the Democrats enjoyed the normal advantage, they would have received nearly 24 million women’s votes in 2010. The actual total was more like 19 million, an excess decline of nearly 5 million.

Who were the 18-20 million who voted for Democrats in 2008 and given historical trends were expected to vote for them in 2010, but didn’t show up? We have seen that roughly 5 million of them were among youth, another 5 million were women voters, 3 million were African Americans voters, and at most a million were gay/lesbian voters. Since all those groups overlap, we have probably only accounted for 10-12 million missing voters. Where are the rest?

My hypothesis is that most of the excess decline in support for Democratic Party congressional candidates in 2010 was from political progressives of all ages, ethnicities, genders, and sexual orientations. Most of the Left came out for Obama and the related Democrats in 2008 and most stayed home in 2010.

I know at least a dozen people within a block of my house who worked hard for Obama and the Democrats in 2008 and didn’t vote in 2010, often purposefully. They stayed home as a result of dissatisfaction with Obama’s leadership, his concessions to the corporate capitalist class, and the inadequacies of Democratic Party accomplishments since 2008. I would further speculate that many also stayed home out of sheer disgust with the whole American political system.

In brief, the nexus of the excess drop in votes for Democrats was the Left. They provided legions of foot soldiers in 2008 and in 2010 they pulled out of the system altogether, often consciously. A comment on my recent Rag Blog article ["'Citizens United' and the Corruption of American Politics"] said, “Not voting is voting.” I agree. As the Tea Party is the energy driving the Republicans, it is the Left in all its permutations that propels the Democrats. This time, their message was that they wouldn’t support Democrats who too much resemble Bush-lite.

Another major factor operating in this election is the Rovian strategy, which emphasizes base mobilization and recognizes that the middle is largely a myth, especially in off-year elections. It has been validated by the overall results of the 2010 elections, despite the fact that the most inept Tea Party candidates exceeded the strategy’s potential. This is more and more the principal electoral strategy of Republicans.

Meanwhile, the Democrats are still following the old strategy of moving to the middle, based on the false assumption that the electorate is some kind of bell curve with most people grouped in the middle. In this manner, they loose touch with their own base. The only solution for the Democrats is to also adopt a more Rovian strategy, becoming actually progressive, i.e. more class conscious, to better mobilize their base.

Unfortunately, the paradox for the Democrats is that their source of funds pushes them in directions that alienate them from their base. And every indication is that Barack Obama, having spent most of his life trying not to look like an angry black man, is fundamentally unable to make such a transition.

[David P. Hamilton has been a political activist in Austin since the late 1960s when he worked with SDS and wrote for The Rag, Austin's underground newspaper.]

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11 November 2010

Harry Targ : The 2010 Elections and the Battle of Ideas

Image from UCAN.

Assessing the 2010 elections:
Towards building a progressive majority
First, we need to communicate the basic proposition that the free marketers’ ideas do not make sense.
By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / November 11, 2010
“Well, the thing is, we’re all interconnected. There are no rich. There are no middle class. There are no poor. We all are interconnected in the economy. You remember a few years ago, when they tried to tax the yachts, that didn’t work. You know who lost their jobs? The people making the boats, the guys making 50,000 and 60,000 dollars a year lost their jobs.

"We all either work for rich people or we sell stuff to rich people. So just punishing rich people is as bad for the economy as punishing anyone. Let’s not punish anyone. Let’s keep taxes low and let’s cut spending.”

-- Senator-elect Rand Paul, Kentucky, in an election night interview with Wolf Blitzer, CNN
On ideology and consciousness

In an essay, called “The German Ideology” Karl Marx argued that the ideas of the ruling class are the ruling ideas. While the relationship between ideology, dominant societal values, and ruling classes is more complicated today than Marx observed in the 1840s, the basic point is well taken.

The relative legitimacy of ideas is related to the power in society of economic and political elites. If people could hear or read different ideas they would be in a better position to choose which ones best fit their interests.

Six media complexes control more than half of the communications about the world that Americans receive via television, radio, music, movies, and the internet. Today, the “battle of ideas” is fought out between those multinational corporations that speak for the “far rightwing” in American political life (probably most supported by domestic capital, real estate, insurance and energy companies) and those that represent global finance capital.

Media corporations present news and opinions reflecting modest, not fundamental, differences about policies, programs, and institutions. Basically they all represent the interests of the largest sectors of capitalist institutions in the international political economy.

For the most part, mainstream media ignore the peace movement, trade union activism, anti-racist struggles, the environmental movement, and the global connections among all these movements. When working people appear on local television screens, they are usually presented as victims, as the powerless, not the empowered.

In this context building a progressive majority requires multi-level struggles over the communication of diverse ideas about how political and economic structures and processes work and what alternatives there are to them. As difficult as it might be, the coming period requires an escalation of the battle of ideas, a battle for the consciousness of the vast majority of the people.


Commanding Heights: The battle of ideas

A few years ago, PBS aired a six-hour series on the importance of the new age of “globalization.” They framed their portrait of late twentieth century economic and political history around the key “battle of ideas” that shaped the century. Reduced to its most vital core, the broadcast claimed that the greatest debate of the twentieth century was that between free marketer Frederick Hayek and mixed economy capitalist theorist John Maynard Keynes.

In intricate detail, the video pointed out how Keynes captured the consciousness of ruling elites and masses during the Great Depression of the 1930s and influenced the post-war global economic order framed by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and programs such as the Marshall Plan.

In addition, British Labor Party policies after the war were highlighted as examples of the Keynesian approach (which, alas, the video suggests was proven to be erroneous by the rise to power of Margaret Thatcher in the late 1970s). It is interesting to note that revolutionary socialism from the Bolshevik Revolution, to China, to Cuba, to the rise of dependency theories about the global economy were all subsumed under the mantel of Keynesianism.

The polar opposite to the Keynesian model of society was reflected in the personage of Frederick Hayek, obscure Viennese economist who worked, almost by stealth, to build a core of supporters to retake intellectual power when the mixed economy approach of Keynes would falter. Hayek built a network of economic gurus from the University of Chicago, the world of fiction (such as Ayn Rand), and the right wing of the Tory Party in Britain and the Republican Party in the United States.

Their fundamental theoretical proposition was that markets were good for people and government was bad. The video pointed out that this ideology, known around the world as “neoliberalism,” became dominant in these two countries in the 1970s, in international financial institutions, and among marginalized elites, mostly military dictators, from the Global South. The collapse of most Socialist states in the late 1980s confirmed, the documentary claimed, what the followers of Hayek had been arguing since the 1920s.


Neoliberalism doesn’t make sense

Central to the approach of descendants of Hayek is that markets, when “free,” can provide for the greatest good for the greatest number of people. Markets stimulate productivity, growth, equality, and the maximum development of each and every individual who takes advantage of the opportunities that free enterprise offers the citizenry.

When pain and suffering prevail, the theory proposes, the heavy hand of government lurks in the background. Government for these analysts is the problem not the solution. Finally, these theorists claim, history has validated Hayek.

The problem with the free market approach is that it is dead wrong, theoretically, historically, and empirically. There is no question that sectors of the world have experienced enormous growth, technological advancements, and miraculous feats such as space travel but they have all come on the backs of millions upon millions of people who have lived lives of pain, hunger, despair, and brutal dehumanization. Tiny percentages of the world’s elites have thrived on the backs of over 90 percent of the world’s people ever since capitalism emerged from the vestiges of feudalism.

Furthermore, the economic growth and development in the era of capitalism have been intimately connected with the rise of state power, not in the service of humankind, but in the service of economic ruling classes. Navies, armies, munitions all came from state resources. The evil slave trade, the backbone of modern capitalism, could not have been created and sustained without state power. In the Western Hemisphere, it was government armies, serving the interests of emerging capitalist elites, that committed genocide against peoples from the North Pole to the South Pole.

On a more positive note, as a result of mobilizations in support of mass demands, governments have provided some health care, public education, libraries, roads, and research and development that have improved the lives of some of humankind. There never was a time since the rise of capitalism that state power was not central to whatever human development has occurred.

Finally, capitalism is a system based on the maximization of profit, more and more capital accumulation, and increasing power, spatial control, and the control of the minds and actions of all humankind. It is in the very logic of the economic system that this must occur. However, governments from time to time have mitigated the unbridled growth of power and control of capital when the traditionally disenfranchised and exploited have demanded reforms or revolution.

If we return to the “battle of ideas” as portrayed in the documentary Commanding Heights, the claim was made that in the twentieth century the followers of John Maynard Keynes successfully challenged the free marketers’ philosophy. Keynes recognized that capitalism created disruptions both in terms of growth and the well-being of workers. He argued that some governmental intervention was needed to override short-term economic crises.

This perspective gained influence when coupled with mass demands for change from workers. Governments that adopted mixed economies, such as reflected in the New Deal policies of the Roosevelt administration, were designed to mollify militants. The Keynesian “revolution” was designed to “save” the capitalist system from those who demanded a new system.


What does all this mean for building
a progressive majority in 2010 and beyond

We have to find a way to engage more effectively in “the battle of ideas.” First, we need to communicate the basic proposition that the free marketers’ ideas do not make sense. They are not logical. If these ideas were ever relevant it was in tiny villages and rural communities before the capitalist revolution.

In fact, the less the government has been involved in serving the interests of working people, the more it has been involved in promoting exploitation, war, environmental devastation, and all the problems 400 years of capitalism have left us with today.

Second, some government policies within the capitalist system can help people today. We need to allocate much more government money to create jobs -- public and private -- to build a new green economy. People employed by the state are workers just as are those who work for the private sector. Those who argue that government now has to cut back on expenditures and give more tax breaks to the rich are narrowly self-interested or ill-informed.

Third, we also need to make it clear that while governments representing the interests of working people provide the only alternative to the unbridled accumulation of power by the economic ruling classes at this time, we will have to create a new system in the long run where there are no economic ruling classes.

But for now the first educational and activist priority is convincing the people that the policies advocated by Republicans, most Democrats, and Tea Party spokespersons do not make sense. Saying “YOUR IDEAS DON’T MAKE SENSE” to the claims Rand Paul made in his interview with Wolf Blitzer is a place to start.

[Harry Targ is a professor of political science at Purdue University who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical.]

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