Showing posts with label Evangelical Christians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Evangelical Christians. Show all posts

22 December 2013

Lamar W. Hankins : Opportunist Narvaiz Takes On Doggett Again in Gerrymandered 35th

Congressional candidate Susan Narvaiz and friend. Image from Facebook.
Unsolicited advice, Dept.:
A Narvaiz strategy to defeat Doggett
Narvaiz is a political chameleon who says what she needs to say and does what she needs to do to protect herself from political accountability.
By Lamar W. Hankins / The Rag Blog / December 23, 2013

SAN MARCOS, Texas -- Three years ago, when Susan Narvaiz was near the end of her last term as Mayor of San Marcos, I asked her in a public meeting for some information about the number of jobs created through the use of publicly-funded development incentives provided by the City Council. She said she had that information at her office and would get it to me. Even after a later reminder, I’m still waiting for that information. That promise and her failure to fulfill it about sums up what I expect from her in any political office.

Narvaiz is a political chameleon who says what she needs to say and does what she needs to do to protect herself from political accountability. She is also an opportunist, which may be behind her reported return to San Marcos to run again against Rep. Lloyd Doggett for Congress in District 35. In her first run against Doggett in 2012, she garnered only 32% of the vote. One oft-followed piece of political lore, which Narvaiz may have in mind, is keep running to increase your name recognition and eventually you will be elected.

The district includes parts of the San Antonio metropolitan area, including portions of Bexar County, the tiny westernmost corner of Guadalupe County, thin strips of Comal and Hays and portions of Caldwell counties, along with portions of southeastern Austin in Travis County. The largest contiguous land mass combines southeastern Travis, northeastern Hays, and southwest Caldwell counties.

The strange shape of the district reminds me a bit of the outline of Vietnam. It was ranked by the National Journal as one of the 10 most contorted congressional districts in the nation, as a result of redistricting by a Republican-controlled Texas Legislature hoping to drive Doggett out of Congress.

The population of the district is about 62% Hispanic, almost 11% Black, and 25% White. Over one-fourth of the district’s residents are below the poverty line based on income.

If Narvaiz’s history is any indication, she will cobble together supporters from the evangelical community, the Tea Party fringe of the Republican Party (very active in parts of District 35), members of the business community, and Hispanics, even though it is her husband, Mike, who is Hispanic, not Narvaiz. Mike Narvaiz, an electrician, used his political contacts among Hispanic groups to get his wife several endorsements in her past political races.

Texas Cong. Dist. 35.
When Narvaiz filed to run for Congress against Doggett about 20 months ago, she developed few positions that could be contrasted with what Doggett had fought for during his many years in pubic life. She stuck with the glittering generalities of limited government, individual rights, personal responsibility, compassion, accountability, keeping our nation strong, and maintaining our resolve. Of course, no candidate would oppose such platitudes. I don’t know anyone who doesn’t agree with these nostrums. Only when we get to specifics do we learn what a candidate may mean.

Last year, we never heard enough specifics to know whether Narvaiz had any positions worth supporting. This time around will likely be similar, though I’m sure she will run against the Affordable Care Act and refer to it as Obamacare. I don’t know if this will help, since Obama drew over 63% of the vote in District 35 in 2012, with Doggett drawing 64% against Narvaiz. The 2012 Democratic Party nominee for governor received 60% of the vote in District 35 and few people even remember his name.

Early this past August, Narvaiz announced that she and her husband were moving to Carlsbad, New Mexico. The announcement followed her usual evangelical style, assuring voters that this decision came directly from God. I’m sure Narvaiz is serious about her faith, but she also seriously uses that faith to promote her political ambition, a practice that diminishes her and her professed religion in the eyes of many, whether religious or non-religious.

She first visited Carlsbad to be the keynote speaker at the annual Mayor’s Prayer Breakfast in October 2012, a forum similar to those she promoted to great political advantage in San Marcos during most of her tenure as mayor. For several years, Narvaiz used funds appropriated for City Council expenses to host breakfasts for local clergy, about every other month, in city facilities. Each “Breakfast with Mayor & Clergy” began with an invocation and ended with a “closing prayer.” Unless you were a religious leader on her list, you were not invited.

The events enabled the Mayor to reach out to religious leaders for her own political purposes at public expense. The breakfasts were not sponsored by the City Council and were not official City functions authorized by any action of the City Council. Yet Narvaiz used city meeting rooms, city staff, and city resources to carry on her outreach to the religious community, especially to evangelicals, during her time as Mayor.

Narvaiz continued her outreach to the religious community through her last campaign for re-election, the slogan for which was “Forward Progress, Higher Purpose.” Her campaign website explained the meaning and significance of her slogan:
I believe that each of us exists to fulfill a specific purpose in a bigger plan, God’s plan. Each of us is called to use our gifts and talents to serve others. ...And when we do, we will change the lives of those around us for the better. We will be people of character. We will be servant leaders and we will be what God has called each of us to be. There is no higher purpose.
While many of us may share these views, we should remember that Narvaiz was not running for an ecclesiastical office; she was campaigning for a secular public office. Her personal religious views should not have been bankrolled with the taxpayers’ money, as they were during her tenure as Mayor.

She spent tens of thousands of taxpayer dollars to support her religious outreach program, including an August 15, 2007, “Breakfast and tour with Mayor and Clergy” bus trip that included both breakfast and lunch. This was not an official city event, but was paid for with public funds.

On June 20, 2006, the Mayor called an “Emergency Clergy Meeting,” paid for with public funds to discuss parking and litter problems in the Rio Vista Dam area with clergy and religious leaders.

And during Narvaiz’s first term as Mayor of San Marcos, she started the practice of opening meetings with prayer -- mostly by Christian evangelical pastors. In a community as diverse as San Marcos, this action was an affront to the consciences of the religious and non-religious alike. But zealots like Narvaiz can see only their own truth. Everyone else is condemned to hell, and their feelings and beliefs are unimportant.

Narvaiz is returning to San Marcos to run against Doggett after losing her bid in October to become County Manager of Eddy County, New Mexico, where Carlsbad is located. Whether the loss of that job opportunity caused her return to San Marcos has not been made public, but the timing is curious. She may have been mistaken about God’s plan for her just four months ago. But she was at least as sure of the righteousness of our last president's decision to invade Iraq, as she was of her decision to move to Carlsbad.

On March 24, 2003, when Narvaiz was a San Marcos city council member, she voted in favor of a council resolution that was intended to show that preemptive war is patriotic. The resolution was really a thinly-veiled show of support for President George W. Bush as he violated the Nuremberg principles in more than one respect, particularly Principle VI: “Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances.”

In March 2003, so strong was the war-induced patriotism that a Gallup poll showed that 79% of Americans supported going to war in Iraq; now, a majority believe that decision was wrong. But not one of those pro-war members of the City Council, including Narvaiz, has issued a public apology for their unconscionable support of this war, about which they had no doubts at the time. Apparently no doubts have crossed their minds since. In fairness to Narvaiz, she is probably too busy moving, running for office, and seeking new employment opportunities to apologize for that mistake made over 10 years ago.

Although we know very little about Narvaiz’s positions on national issues, other than preemptive war, we have hundreds of votes by Doggett that indicate his fitness for public office. In addition, Doggett has clear positions on national issues at his website, covering the budget, higher education, federal aid to public schools, tax fairness, bank practices reform, veteran support, and consumer protection.

In the 2012 race, Narvaiz spent about $182,000 and had a debt of almost $78,000 when the race was over. Doggett spent almost $2 million in the newly-created district in over half of which he had never been a candidate for Congress. Doggett has nearly $3 million on hand for the 2014 race. There are no figures available publicly for the amount Narvaiz has available to spend for 2014.

In 2012, Doggett received support from lawyers/law firms, retired people, health professionals, building trade unions, industrial unions, the real estate sector, transportation unions, the finance sector, and hospitals/nursing homes. Narvaiz’s main financial support came from the real estate sector, construction services, retired people, building materials and equipment suppliers, the general business community, general contractors, the sea transport sector, Republican and conservative organizations, the business services sector, and the food and beverage industry. [Source: Project Vote Smart].

Norvaiz with Cong. Paul Ryan.
These political contributions for both candidates represent support from individuals, groups, and organizations that like some or most of the political decisions each candidate has made while holding public office and the positions they have taken during their campaigns. Narvaiz’s contributions are weighted toward the interests she supported while mayor. For instance, her support for a conference center and hotel was viewed favorably by the food and beverage industry, which has now rewarded her for that support.

In the race last year, 62% of Narvaiz’s contributions came from identifiable industries, most located in the Central Texas area and Houston. Only 3% of her contributions were from out of state. For Doggett, 85% of his contributions came from identifiable industries, with 5% of total contributions from out of state.

Of the more than 167,000 votes cast in the 2012 election in District 35, Doggett carried the district’s portions of four of the six counties included in the district. He was weakest in the Comal and Guadalupe county portions of the district, and strongest in the Travis and Bexar county portions.

Unless Narvaiz can figure a way to find more votes in these Travis and Bexar county areas, she has little hope of defeating Doggett. What Narvaiz could do to enhance her chances against Doggett is move toward moderation of her views in several areas. She could start by downplaying her public religiosity. A more modest personal religious stance that keeps her religious views private would show the electorate that she is not claiming that she is God’s chosen emissary to the U.S. Congress.

Her indecisiveness about which state to live in doesn’t make for a convincing narrative that will change the minds of many voters. She should explain that she was enticed to move to New Mexico because she thought she would have a better political future in that smaller state. If her Carlsbad benefactor turned out to have less to offer than she was led to believe, she could tell that story in a way that shows she was a victim of deceit.

When it comes to dealing with her nearly complete embrace of the corporate world, she could explain that the experiences of the past decade or more, in retrospect, and after much serious analysis, have led her to conclude that banks and large corporations must be kept at arm’s length from government. Otherwise, they will rob the public treasuries at every opportunity.

After some thought and from her perspective running an employment agency, she may have learned that the jobs paid for with public taxes and other financial incentives given to developers have not resulted often in the livable wages regularly promised (or at least hinted at). She may have discovered that the studies and reports done by even the business community have shown that putting developers and their corporations on the public dole is a no-win proposition for governments at all levels. If so, running as an “I’ve learned my lesson” politician who wants to repent may be the best way to win over some moderate voters.

It might help for Narvaiz to have her husband work the voters door-to-door in the District 35 portions of Travis and Bexar counties. He can put a Hispanic face on her campaign that may draw some of those voters away from Doggett.

Narvaiz may not be able to show greater concern for veterans than Doggett has, but she could enlist the assistance of a cadre of veterans, all identified by hats, signs, and buttons as “Veterans for Narvaiz.” These folks would need to be available for pictures and videos wherever Narvaiz is campaigning, so that no picture of her appears without an identifiable “Veterans for Narvaiz” campaigner by her side or right behind her. As long as these people don’t have to say anything, Narvaiz may be able to convey the appearance of concern for veterans, which may convince a few people to vote for her.

Finally, Narvaiz may be helped by studying Doggett’s voting record carefully to find areas where she can distinguish herself. For instance, Doggett voted for Obamacare. Given the poor start to that program, Narvaiz could extoll the virtues of a program like Medicare, which has reduced the health care hassles for all seniors, and suggest that she is the sort of compassionate moderate who favors making one of life’s basic necessities available somewhere other than emergency rooms.

I’m sure that there are many other ideas that would help Narvaiz’s campaign. If I think of any others, I will pass them along.

[Lamar W. Hankins, a former San Marcos, Texas, city attorney, is also a columnist for the San Marcos Mercury. This article © Freethought San Marcos, Lamar W. Hankins. Read more articles by Lamar W. Hankins on The Rag Blog.]

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25 July 2011

Lamar W. Hankins : Gov. Perry Promotes Religion for Political Purposes

Gov. Rick Perry at Texas Prayer Breakfast, Austin, Feb. 17, 2011. Photo from Texas Governor Rick Perry's Photostream / Flickr.

State Seal on Perry's proclamation:
Texas governor promotes
religion for political purposes
Rick Perry should be free to pray and fast every day of his life if he chooses, and do those things with whomever he wishes... But [he] has no business using his elected office to promote, organize, and sponsor such religious practices...
By Lamar W. Hankins / The Rag Blog / July 25, 2011

Gov. Rick Perry’s long-running political show is picking up steam as he heads toward an announcement that he will seek the Republican presidential nomination, not because he wants the job, but because he has been called by God to seek the post.

His latest move in that direction -- also stimulated by his familiarity with the Almighty -- is his promotion of evangelical Christianity through a proclaimed Christian prayer event scheduled for August 6 at Reliant Stadium in Houston.

To be clear, Rick Perry, like all of us, has the constitutional right to practice whatever religion and engage in whatever religious practices he chooses. What he should not be allowed to do is use his public office to promote his religion and his religious practices. But this is what he is doing with the August 6 event.

Gov. Perry issued an official governor’s proclamation that includes the Seal of the State of Texas. The proclamation includes some historical references that appear to be intended to justify his official action as governor in calling for a religious observance and practice on August 6, including “A Day of Prayer and Fasting for Our Nation.”

Gov. Perry exhorts the people to have a “sacred assembly” which has been “consecrated.” There is specific reference to follow the example of Jesus to pray “publicly for the benefit of others” as a way to “express our faith.” This part of the proclamation refers to a bible verse (John 11:41-42) that is taken completely out of context to serve the governor’s purposes, and ignores Matthew 6:6, which provides, “But when you pray, go into your room and shut the door and pray to your Father who is in secret. And your Father who sees in secret will reward you.”

The proclamation urges “the appropriate recognition” of the Day of Prayer and Fasting by the citizens of Texas. It is attested to by the governor’s official signature indicating that he is acting in his capacity as the Governor of Texas.

In a public letter bearing the State of Texas' official seal, Gov. Perry urges people to join in this religious event. The letter states that “as a nation, we must come together and call upon Jesus to guide us through unprecedented struggles, and thank Him for the blessings of freedom we so richly enjoy,” turning the event into a clearly sectarian activity promoting Christianity (a practice eschewed by James Madison when he served as president of the country).

The August 6 religious event is promoted further on Gov. Perry’s official governor’s website, which links to another website set up in collaboration with the governor by the American Family Association at TheResponseUSA.com. That website makes clear the sectarian nature of the religious event: “Who knows what can happen in our generation when we gather together to worship Jesus, fast and pray, and believe for great change in our nation?”

Beginning around July 20, Gov. Perry initiated robocalls about the evangelical religious gathering to people in the Houston area. The robocalls were a recording of his voice with the following message:
This is Governor Rick Perry and I'm inviting you to join your fellow Americans in a day of prayer and fasting on behalf of our nation. As an elected leader, I am all too aware of government's limitations when it comes to fixin’ things that are spiritual in nature. That's where prayer comes in, and we need it more than ever. With the economy in trouble, communities in crisis and people adrift in a sea of moral relativism, we need God's help.

That's why I'm calling on Americans to pray and fast like Jesus did, and as God called the Israelites to do in the Book of Joel. I sincerely hope you will join me in Houston on August the sixth and take your place in Reliant Stadium with praying people asking God's forgiveness, his wisdom and provision for our state and nation. To learn more, visit TheResponseUSA.com, then make plans to be part of something even bigger than Texas.
All of these actions make clear that Perry is acting in his capacity as the Governor of Texas, not a private citizen.

The Response website makes even clearer the Christian nature of the event called for by Gov. Perry. The website recites “What the Response Believes”:
  1. We believe the Bible to be the inspired, the only infallible, authoritative word of God.
  2. We believe that there is one God, eternally existent in three persons: Father, Son and Holy Spirit.
  3. We believe in the deity of Lord Jesus Christ, in His virgin birth, in His sinless life, in His miracles, in His vicarious and atoning death through His shed blood, in His bodily resurrection, in His ascension to the right hand of the Father, and in His personal return in power and glory.
  4. We believe that for the salvation of lost and sinful people, regeneration by the Holy Spirit is absolutely essential.
  5. We believe in the present ministry of the Holy Spirit by whose indwelling the Christian is enabled to live a Godly life.
  6. We believe in the resurrection of both the saved and the lost; that they are saved unto the resurrection of life and that they are lost unto the resurrection of damnation.
  7. We believe in the spiritual unity of believers in our Lord Jesus Christ.
The Response website displays the Official Seal of the State of Texas and includes other evidence that the governor is using his official status as the Governor of the State of Texas to promote and sponsor the religious event.

If anything more is needed to convey the sectarian nature of the prayer rally, it can be found in the words of the spokesman for the rally, Eric Bearse, Governor Perry’s former Communications Director, who said that the rally is intended to convey “the love, grace and warmth of Jesus Christ in that assembly hall, in that arena. And that’s what we want to convey, that there’s acceptance and that there’s love and that there’s hope if people will seek out the living Christ.”

Take that you Buddhists, Jews, Hindus, Muslims, atheists, Taoists, agnostics, Unitarians, Sikhs, Jains, Pastafarians, and all you other non-Christians, as well as the Christians who do not follow the same evangelical dogmatism he is promoting. Gov. Perry is interested only in his kind of Christians, or those who seek out Jesus Christ in the way he approves.

If ever there was a case of a government official showing preference for a particular religion, and religion over non-religion, this prayer rally is it. According to the U.S. Supreme Court, the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits such actions by government officials in their official capacities. After all, prayer is, as stated in a federal lawsuit filed by the Freedom From Religion Foundation (FFRF) challenging the event, “an inherently and quintessentially religious activity, which is the intended point of Governor Perry’s prayer rally.”

The FFRF lawsuit further makes the case against Gov. Perry’s unconstitutional action:
Governor Perry’s initiation of a Christian prayer rally at Reliant Stadium on August 6, 2011, is intended to and does have the effect of giving official recognition to the endorsement of religion; the event has no secular rationale; the purpose of the prayer rally is to encourage individual citizens to pray; persons who are not already Christian, moreover, will be fair game for conversion.
Our founders were concerned about just this sort of mixing of religion with the affairs of state. The founders were so concerned that religion not become a divisive force in our government that they included a provision in the Constitution that no religious test could ever be required of those holding public office. For those who aren’t aware of it, the U.S. Constitution is applicable to the states and to state officials.

In recent years some candidates for public office believe that their first requirement for office is to declare their strong religious convictions, as though that will lead the voters to believe that they have a personal link to God that assures their fitness for holding office.

All Gov. Perry’s promotion of evangelical Christianity shows is that he is a panderer to the religious right, and cares not one whit about the separation of church and state intended by the author of that constitutional provision, James Madison, who believed that an “alliance or coalition between Government and Religion” was detrimental to both.

President Madison was willing to sign a “day of prayer” proclamation urged by others, considering it a de minimus act, but he believed it a violation of the intent of the First Amendment to organize, promote, and sponsor such events in his official capacity.

Madison believed that mutual support between government and religion was a grievous error:
Such, indeed, is the tendency to such a coalition (between government and religion), and such its corrupting influence on both the parties, that the danger cannot be too carefully guarded against... Every new and successful example, therefore, of a perfect separation between the ecclesiastical and civil matters, is of importance; and I have no doubt that every new example will succeed, as every past one has done, in showing that religion and Government will both exist in greater purity the less they are mixed together.
Rick Perry should be free to pray and fast every day of his life if he chooses, and do those things with whomever he wishes, including on August 6 in Reliant Stadium in Houston. But Gov. Rick Perry has no business using his elected office to promote, organize, and sponsor such religious practices, especially when those practices are rabidly sectarian.

[Lamar W. Hankins, a former San Marcos, Texas, city attorney, is also a columnist for the San Marcos Mercury. This article © Freethought San Marcos, Lamar W. Hankins. Read more articles by Lamar W. Hankins on The Rag Blog.]

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06 July 2010

Ruth Rosen : The New Right-Wing Christian Feminism

Women's Christian Temperance Union.In the late nineteenth century, female reformers sought to protect the family from “worldly dangers.”

The Tea Party and the new
Right-wing Christian feminism


By Ruth Rosen /July 6, 2010

Why have American women become so active in the right wing Tea Party movement? Could it be that they are drawn to the new conservative Christian feminism publicized by Sarah Palin? Without its grassroots female supporters, the Tea Party would have far less appeal to voters who are frightened by economic insecurity, threats to moral purity, and the gradual disappearance of a national white Christian culture.

Most Americans are not quite sure what to make of the sprawling right-wing Tea Party, which gradually emerged in 2009 and became a household name after it held nationwide Tea Party rallies on April 15, 2010, to protest paying taxes. Throwing tea overboard, as you may remember, is an important symbolic image of the colonial anger at Britain’s policy of “taxation without representation.”

Many liberals and leftists dismissed the Tea Party as a temporary, knee-jerk response to the recession, high employment, home foreclosures, bankruptcies, and an African American president who had saved American capitalism by expanding the government’s subsidies to the financial, real estate, and automobile industries.

Perhaps it is a temporary political eruption, but as E.J. Dionne, columnist at The Washington Post has argued, the movement also threatens the hard-won unity of the Republicans. “The rise of the tea party movement,” he writes, “is a throwback to an old form of libertarianism that sees most of the domestic policies that government has undertaken since the New Deal as unconstitutional. It typically perceives the most dangerous threats to freedom as the design of well-educated elitists out of touch with “American values.”

Who are these angry people who express so much resentment against the government, rather than at corporations? Since national polls dramatically contradict each other, I have concluded that the Tea Party movement has energized people across all classes.

One important difference, however, is race. At Tea Party rallies you don’t see faces with dark complexions. Another important distinction is that men and women are drawn to this sprawling movement for a variety of overlapping but possibly different reasons. Both men and women seem to embrace an incoherent “ideology” which calls for freedom from government, no taxes, and an inchoate desire to “take back America,” which means restoring the nation to some moment when the country was white and “safe.”

Men drawn to this movement appear to belong to a broad range of fringe right-wing groups, such as militias, white supremacy groups, pro-gun and confederacy “armies. Some of these groups advocate violence vow to overthrow the government, and have even begun to use Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to spread their hatred through social media.

Women also play a decisive role in the Tea Party and now make up 55 percent of its supporters, according to the latest Quinnipiac poll. Hanna Rosin reports in Slate magazine that “of the eight board members of the Tea Party Patriots who serve as national coordinators for the movement, six are women. Fifteen of the 25 state coordinators are women.”

Why, I’ve wondered, does this chaotic movement appeal to so many women? There are many possible reasons. Some of the women in these groups are certainly women who love men who love guns and who hate the government and taxes.

Professor Kathleen Blee, who has written widely about right-wing women, suggests that there are probably more religious right-wing women than men in general, that tea party rallies may attract more women who are not working and therefore can attend them, and that the Tea Party emphasizes family vulnerability to all kinds of external danger.

Many men and women attracted to the Tea Party also belong to the Christian Identity Movement. They are right-wing Christians who promote fundamentalist views on abortion and homosexuality. But women come to the Tea Party from new and surprising venues, like the Parent-Teacher Association or groups organized specifically to elect women to political office.

As Slate magazine recently noted, “Much of the leadership and the grassroots energy comes from women. One of the three main sponsors of the Tax Day Tea Party that launched the movement is a group called Smart Girl Politics. The site started out as a mommy blog and has turned into a mobilizing campaign that trains future activists and candidates. Despite its explosive growth over the last year, it is still operated like a feminist cooperative, with three stay-at-home moms taking turns raising babies and answering e-mails and phone calls.”

Some of these religious women also have political aspirations and hope to use the Tea Party to gain leadership roles denied by the Republican Party to run for electoral office. To counter Emily’s List, which has supported liberal women for electoral politics, right-wing conservative women created the Susan B. Anthony List, which is successfully supporting right-wing women in their efforts to run for electoral office.

To blunt the impact of liberal feminists, Concerned Women for America, a deeply religious group, supports women’s efforts to seek leadership positions within the Tea Party. The Women’s Independent Forum, a more secular group of right-wing women, seeks to promote traditional values, free markets, limited government, women’s equality, and their ability to run for office.

Some of these women are drawing national attention because they have embraced a religious “conservative feminism.” Among them are evangelical Christians and, according to a recent cover story in Newsweek magazine, they view Sarah Palin -- who ran for the vice presidency in 2009, has five children and a supportive husband, describes herself as a feminist, gave up the governor’s office in Alaska to become a celebrity and millionaire -- as the leader, if not prophet of the Tea Party.

As a result, Palin is mobilizing right-wing religious women across the nation. They like that she wears make up, still looks like a gorgeous beauty queen, and yet is bold and strong minded. They don’t seem to care that she uses “Ms.” instead of Mrs. Nor are they bothered by her crediting Title IX (legislation passed in 1972 that enforced gender equality in education and sports for her athletic opportunities.

On ABC News she told her interviewer, Charles Gibson, “I’m lucky to have been brought up in a family where gender has never been an issue. I’m a product of Title IX, also, where we had equality in schools that was just being ushered in with sports and with equality opportunity for education, all of my life. I’m part of that generation, where that question is kind of irrelevant because it’s accepted. Of course you can be the vice president and you can raise a family."

Palin belongs to a group called Feminists for Life whose slogan is “Refuse to Choose.” When she described herself as a feminist at the start of her vice-presidential campaign, she explained that she was a member of this group, led by Serrin Foster, who has carved out a successful career on the lecture circuit by trying to convince young women that you can be a feminist by making the choice not to have an abortion.

When I interviewed Foster several years ago, I asked her how very poor or teenage girls were supposed to take care of these unwanted children. Since she is against taxes and government subsidies for social services, she evaded my question. She said that women should not be alone, that others should help. In the end, the only concrete solution she offered is that adoption is the best solution for these young women.


Just recently, Palin once again dubbed herself a “feminist” and set off an explosive debate about what constitutes feminism in the United States. She describes religious conservative women as “Mama Grillizies” and urges them to "rise up” and claim the cause of feminism as their own. Palin encourages her followers to launch a "new, conservative feminist movement" that supports only political candidates who uncompromisingly oppose abortion.

The response to Palin’s effort to draw women into the Tea Party varies widely. Her "sisterly speechifying," writes Jessica Valenti in The Washington Post. “is just part of a larger conservative bid for the hearts and minds of women by appropriating feminist language."

Writing in the conservative National Review Kathryn Jean Lopez responds, “Palin isn't co-opting feminism, She's reclaiming a movement that was started by Susan B. Anthony and other women who fought for the right to vote -- and were staunchly pro-life.” This is true; nineteenth century suffragists wanted to protect the status of motherhood and were against abortion.

"The "feminist" label doesn't have to be so polarizing,” argues Meghan Daum in the Los Angeles Times. “Boiled down, feminism just means viewing men and women as equals, and seeing your gender "as neither an obstacle to success nor an excuse for failure." So if Sarah Palin "has the guts to call herself a feminist, then she's entitled to be accepted as one."

Here is a great irony. Since 1980, when the backlash began attacking the women’s movement, young secular American women have resisted calling themselves feminists because the religious right wing had so successfully created an unattractive image of a feminist as a hairy, man-hating, lesbian who spouted equality, but really wanted to kill babies. Now, Palin is forcing liberal feminists to debate whether these Christian feminists are diluting feminism or legitimizing it by making it possible to say that one is a feminist.

When I read what women write on Christian women’s web sites, I hear an echo from the late nineteenth century when female reformers sought to protect the family from “worldly dangers.” Frances Willard, leader of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, urged millions of women to enter the public sphere in order to protect their families, to address the decadent consequences and casualties of capitalism, to win suffrage, and to fight for prohibition, all in the name of protecting the purity of their homes and families.

For many contemporary evangelical Christian women, their motivations are similar. They want to enter the public sphere or even run for office to eliminate abortion, protect marriage, contain sexual relations, oppose gay marriage, and clean up the mess made by the sexual revolution. All this is part of a long and recognizable female reform tradition in American history.

At Tea Party rallies, you often see women carrying signs that read “Take back America.” Not everyone is sure what that means. At the very least, however, it means taking back America from an expanding government, from taxes, and more symbolically, from the changing racial complexion of American society.

Within a few decades, the non-white population will constitute a majority of the citizens in the U.S. Many white evangelical Christians feel besieged and the women, for their part, feel they must publicly protect their families from such rapid and potentially dangerous changes. They feel that some faceless bureaucrats or immigrants or minorities, described as “they,” have taken over our society and threaten the moral purity of American society. What they don’t fear is that corporations have taken over the American government and have distorted its democratic institutions.

Washington Bureau Chief Adele Stan of AlterNet, who has 15 years of close scrutiny of the extreme right under her belt, has warned that we take the Tea Partiers seriously and dismiss them at our peril.

The Tea Party panders to fear and resentment. But they are hardly a lonely minority. A recent USA Today/Gallup survey found that 37 percent of Americans said they "approved" of the Tea Party movement. It is not a movement that Americans should ignore. History reminds us that the politics of fear and resentment can quickly turn into a dangerous and powerful political force.

But the Tea Party is not only a grassroots movement. Behind the women at the kitchen table, there is money, and plenty of it. Writing in the The New York Review of Books, Michael Tomasky reminded readers that "Money is the ultimate lubricant of politics and that the potential money supply for Tea Parties and other... contributions is virtually limitless."

Tomasky also underscores the fact that the Tea Party is not about short-term electoral victories. It’s about the long term project of resurrecting the power to protect free markets, deregulation, and for the religious right to gain political power.

Men and women may not join the Tea Party for the same reasons, but without its grassroots female supporters, the Tea Party would have far less appeal to voters who are frightened by economic insecurity, threats to moral purity, and the gradual disappearance of a national white Christian culture.

For good or ill, Christian women have moved mountains before in the American past. The abolition of slavery and the prohibition of liquor are just two examples. Now they have helped organize the Tea Party and their new conservative feminism may just affect American political culture in unpredictable ways.

Perhaps they will gain a new self-confidence and political influence by straying from the Republican Party. Or, as in the past, they may disappear into their homes and churches and become a footnote in the history of American politics. For now, it is too soon to tell how the Tea Party, let alone its female members, will fare in the future.

[Ruth Rosen, a former columnist for the Los Angeles Times and the San Francisco Chronicle, teaches history at the University of California, Berkeley. Her most recent book is The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed America.]

Source / openDemocracy

Thanks to Carl Davidson / The Rag Blog

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21 November 2009

Bart Stupak and the Family : The Power of C Street

Above, the Fellowship's house on C Street in Washington, D.C. Photo by Olivier Douliery / Abaca Press / MCT. Below, U.S. Rep. Bart Stupak. Photo by Susan Walsh / AP.

The Fellowship on C Street:
Bart Stupak and the impact of the Family
Expect it to grow in power if economic conditions do not improve dramatically
By Sherman DeBrosse / The Rag Blog / November 21, 2009
See 'C Street House no longer tax exempt,' by Zachary Roth, Below.
Congressman Bart Stupak of Michigan led about 40 other Democrats and the Republicans in amending the House Health Care Plan with a proviso that made it impossible to use federal credits in the proposed insurance exchanges to purchase insurance that covered abortion. Stupak says that women could use their own funds to buy abortion riders through the exchanges.

In 17 states, women have the right to buy such riders to accompany their coverage under Medicaid, but few have done so. There is no language in the amendment that prohibits purchasing riders, but the wording is complex and can be read many ways. The Library of Congress says that the riders cannot be purchased.

The houses on C Street

Representative Stupak is a member of the Family or the Fellowship and resides at its house on C Street in Arlington. The Family has another complex in Arlington at “The Cedars,” a former CIA safe house they purchased in 1976. The townhouse at 133 C Street, S.E. is a former convent registered under the ownership of Youth With A Mission to Washington D.C. Five or six other Representatives and Senators live there and pay about $600 a month rent.

Until recently, the building was classified as a church, and was not on the tax rolls. Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC), perhaps the most conservative man in Washington, is a resident, as are Sen. Sam Brownback (R-KS) and Representatives Zach Wamp (R-TN), Bart Stupak (D-MI) and Mike Doyle (D-PA). There are many powerful Washington politicians who are members of the Family and/or come there for religious studies. Among they are Pete Domenici (formerly R-NM), Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), Lindsay Graham (R-SC)) , Mike Enzi (R-WY), John Thune (R-SD), Mark Pryor (D-AK) and James Inhofe.

They all champion what they call “family values.” Washington, D.C. authorities recently removed the house’s tax exemption. Zach and other C Streeters have been busy building megachapels on military bases. Most of these “Christian” politicians are Republicans, but some members are conservative Democrats. Prominent people from outside politics are sometimes found there, and it is said that Michael Jackson once spent the night there.

What sexual scandals reveal

Senator John Ensign resided in the C Street house until he found it necessary recently to move because of spotlight his sex scandal brought to the secretive cult. Ensign had been involved with a former member of his staff, and her husband had also worked for the Nevada Senator. The senator’s parents gave her family $96,000, but the husband of his mistress said that Ensign and his C Street friends had discussed far larger payments. Senator Tom Coburn, another member of the cult, said he would not discuss in court any advice he gave because it was a confidential communication. The Oklahoman claimed this privilege because he is a practicing OB-GYN and also an ordained deacon.

Former Rep. Charles “Chuck” Pickering of Mississippi is a former resident of the C Street house, and his former wife claimed that the Congressman carried on there with another female. He is a former Baptist missionary.
South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford , now famous for his affair with a beautiful Argentine newscaster, is an alumnus of C Street from his Washington days, but he did not live there. He returned to C Street to seek advice about dealing with his love problems.

No one seems to know if Senator David Vitter, now well known for his interest in prostitutes, had any ties to the Family. He has had a great deal to say about Christian family values. Tennessee Republican state Sen. Paul Stanley also had a lot to say about morality and family values. He was caught in an affair with a 22 year old intern. His first wife claimed physical abuse and got a restraining order against him. His second wife was a former intern. When in Washington, he stays at the C Street upscale dorm for right-wing Christian politicians.

Ordinarily the sexual transgressions of politicians are best not discussed, but there is a different situation when politicians who advertize themselves as “Christian” and proponents of “family values” are involved. At the least monumental moral hypocrisy is involved. Former Family leader Doug Coe once said, ”when you’re chosen, the normal rules don’t apply.” He was not referring to sexual conduct, but people who think they are chosen by God to do something important often have a hard time where the rules might apply to them. Some of them have said that morality and ethics are secular concepts.

Sen. John Ensign moved out of C Street after his sex scandal became public.

Harold Bloom, a great scholar at Yale, wrote that the American religion is antinomianism. Two of its elements are claims to special mission and exemption from some norms. Some of the people who came here in the Seventeenth Century thought God expected them to build “A City on a Hill.” But they stressed its nonmaterial dimensions. American exceptionalism reinforced the idea of mission as did Manifest Destiny and its various extensions.

The Family has a strong admixture of antinomianism, but it is clear that it is the American religion. We might recall that some of the antinomians in early Massachusetts Bay claimed to be specially chosen by God and exempted some societal rules, and they were accused of sexual sinfulness.

The Family is about power

As noted in my previous article on this subject, the Family has a record of catering to unsavory dictators abroad who inflicted great harm and burdens upon their peoples. There were also signs of a softness towards fascism in its history. Many of these people chose not to work through churches because they are too democratic and because women have considerable influence in some churches.

With the exception of Senator Pyor, they oppose organized labor, and have a long record of backing big business, Big Pharma, the health insurance companies, and military contractors. They are all hawkish and bent on extending the American empire. They think unfettered capitalism is God’s will.

It is a peculiar form of Christianity they advance. Christ comes across not so much as the friend of the poor and outcasts, but instead seems to be a hard charging executive type and role model for dictators, captains of industry, and people with Type A and authoritarian personalities. The Family’s Christ is no longer the “Prince of Peace.” Rather they repeatedly say he came to bring the sword and division. Somehow, it is hard to imagine their Christ espousing the principles of the Sermon of the Mount or calling other people “brother” unless those people were initiates in a secret cultish organization.

When one first learns what the Family is all about, one is tempted to wonder how such a group became so powerful. While the Fellowship has more power today than before, we should remember that, in the Vietnam era, Family members ran World Vision and the Family was a front for some business and intelligence activities in Southeast Asia.

The Family has long been active in organizing military officers and can take some of the credit for creating right-wing Christian dominance in the military, as observed at the Air Force Academy and in the Marine Corps. It also has some influence in Campus Crusade for Christ. It is impossible to measure the extent of its power, but what we see is indeed impressive.

C Street resident Jim DeMint may be the most conservative man in Washingon.

Dominionism

The Family’s members are clearly dominionists, people who believe that there should be no separation of church and state, and that God’s saints should rule. There are different varieties of dominionism, and it is unclear how the Fellowship is tied to other strands. Dominionism in the United States is growing more rapidly than almost any other movement. The press missed the fact that three of the churches Sarah Palin attended are part of a dominionist movement called the New Apostolic Reformation.

One of our two or three best religious reporters was taken in by Sarah’s talk about ‘a post-denominational Christianity.” He thought she was for broad tolerance and respect. The term refers to a time when the apostles leading the NAR have forced the competition out of business. As a rule, dominionists have ties to white power groups, survivalists, militias, and even secessionist groups like the Alaska Independence Party. These are the sorts of folks who turn up at Tea Bagger rallies. These elements are growing and are ripe to be manipulated by the Family’s politicians.

Good scholars speculate that as the dominionists gain power, they will be less concerned about the second coming of Christ. If they have a shot at gaining power, they will talk less about rapture and end times and more about why they need to rule a good long time to prepare for the Lord’s coming, sometime in the distant future.

Is the Family a cult?

Some might object to calling the family a “cult.” The fact is that it is secretive and relies upon charismatic leadership. In the past, some cults had different levels of membership, and this seems true of the Family. Some cults in history, such as the Manicheans and Albigensians, claimed to have special knowledge. In the case of the Family, they just insist on a unique interpretation of Christianity. Unlike those two cults, the Family seems very materialistic in its concerns -- the focus on cultivating powerful people and gaining power, serving big economic interests, fostering globalism and American imperialism.

The Family is as American as spoiled apple pie

Since the 1970s, the nation has embraced the corpus of economic doctrines associated with what is called market fundamentalism. Even the Social Darwinism of the late 19th Century -- root, hog or die and leave the poor to their fate -- has had an astonishing rebirth. As the middle class has become more anxious about its future and threatened standard of living, people have been more inclined to turn their backs on forms of religion that embrace peace and social justice.

The Social Gospel among protestant denominations seems in headlong retreat, and among Roman Catholics there is a growing core of bishops obsessed with abortion but unwilling to give more than lip service to the church’s teachings on peace, economic justice, the death penalty, and preservation of the environment. Many of them act as though the church has become an arm of the Republican Party.

Of course, all the mainstream churches are hemorrhaging members as people move to right wing Christian denominations that blend promises of prosperity with nationalism, and cultural and economic conservatism. Many of them are openly Republican political clubhouses. These forms of Christianity illustrate how easily religion can be absorbed and transformed by the host culture. Given all of this, The Family should come as no surprise. It may not represent genuine Christianity, but it is a genuine and almost typical outgrowth of American culture, reflecting forces that have long been here.

We lack effective language to discuss the common good

Obama and the Democrats are having a devil of a time selling health care reform in part because there is no compelling way to help people think in terms of the common good.

Decades ago, Daniel Callahan of the Hastings Institute discussed health care reform with several senators, including Jacob Javits and Ted Kennedy. They told him that a major obstacle was that American culture provided no common concepts and language that enabled Americans to discuss the common good. That situation has grown worse. Now we have crowds of old people, some bearing arms, demanding that there be no effort to help the 45,000,000 without health insurance because they fear their benefits might suffer a little.

South Carolina Gov. Mark Sanford, whose extramarital affair with an Argentine newscaster hit the news, is a C Street alumnus. Photo by Brett Flashbnick / AP.

Our founders left us with some concepts that could have facilitated an honest discussion of the common good, but over time materialism and selfish individualism made them appear to be suspect. The nation’s founders left an ideology that combined Lockean individualism with the goals of equality and brotherhood.

A minority, inspired by radical British writers like Thomas Paine, Joseph Priestly, and Richard Price was responsible for drawing equality and brotherhood from the thought of the republican tradition. The people who introduced these elements were an important minority, and their support for these ideas was infectious, even influencing some Protestant elements that people today would mistakenly equate with today’s fundamentalists and evangelicals.

Over more than two centuries, the potency of equality and brotherhood in American thought waxed and waned. Of late, they have been in sharp decline. When these ideas were powerful, Americans had periods of reform. Often, these periods of reform came at times when progressive elements in American religion were strong. The last period of significant reform was the when the civil rights movement made headway pursing Martin Luther King’s dream of a beloved community.

The late John Patrick Diggins thought that over the course of American history the idea of individualism gained ground at the expense of equality.. This may have been because Americans were essentially a people of plenty, as David Potter said. Until 1980, real wages and the standard of living increased steadily. We were blessed with an abundance of land and resources that fuelled prosperity, but Americans were inclined to attribute success to their own virtues, most of were thought to have stemmed from rugged individualism.

Another reason why it is so hard to talk about the common good is that the subcultures of our population groups are largely rooted in what Leo Strauss called modern rather than ancient thought. The ancients valued virtue and were accustomed to thinking in terms of the community. According to Strauss, a sharp philosophical decline in virtue began with Machiavelli’s The Prince.

Eventually, man would see himself as freed from the natural order, free to define what a human being should be. Strauss, unlike many of his unwitting followers, thought the state and society better equipped to determine what was acceptable conduct, and he welcomed the decline of Christianity. The dominant cultural stream in the United States is rooted in religions that were founded after ancient community-oriented thought was in decline. We just are not accustomed to thinking in terms of community.

The sad truth might be that the ravings of a Ronald Reagan, Rush Limbaugh, or Glenn Beck resonate strongly with so many Americans because they appeal to elements that have become dominant strains in our culture. They also have the great advantage of appealing to people who want simple answers to complex questions.

At first glance one might think see the secretive and elitist Family as an odd phenomenon. But, like the movements led by Gerald L.K. Smith, Father Caughlin, and Charles Lindbergh in an earlier time, the Family is a typical American movement. Like those other movements, it will grow in strength during tough economic times. The power the Family holds is a natural outgrowth of our history. In the case of the Family or Fellowship, the marriage of religion, “market economics,” Social Darwinism, and aggressive nationalism results in a grotesque form of Christianity that is essentially a shell or Trojan horse for more dominant forces that have done little to advance the good.
C Street House no longer tax exempt

By Zachary Roth / November 17, 2009

Residents of the C Street Christian fellowship house will no longer benefit from a loophole that had allowed the house's owners to avoid paying property taxes.

Previously, the house -- despite being home to numerous lawmakers -- had been tax exempt, because it was classified as a church. That arrangement had allowed the building's owner, the secretive international Christian organization The Family, to charge significantly below market rents to its residents. In recent year, Senators John Ensign (R-NV), Tom Coburn (R-OK), Sam Brownback (R-KS) and Jim DeMint (R-SC), and Reps. Zach Wamp (R-TN), Bart Stupak (D-MI) and Mike Doyle (D-PA) have all reportedly called C Street home.

Natalie Wilson, a spokeswoman for the Office of Tax and Revenue for Washington D.C., told TPMmuckraker that her office inspected the house this summer. "It was determined that portions of it were being rented out for private residential purposes," she said. As a result, the tax exempt status was partially revoked. Sixty-six percent of the value of the property is now subject to taxation.

According to online records, the total taxable assessment is $1,834,500. The building's owner last month paid taxes of $1714.70 on the property.

A commenter using the name Vince Treacy, posting on a blog run by George Washington Law professor Jonathan Turley, noted in June that the property enjoyed tax exempt status. In a comment yesterday, he wrote:

Well, at least one complaint just happened to be filed a few months ago, by some anonymous citizen who will remain nameless ""wink, wink," with the taxpayer hotline at the DC tax office.

The C Street house has lately been the subject of unwanted attention thanks to its role in three GOP sex scandals. Ensign, who reportedly recently moved out of the house, was confronted there last year by his fellow C Streeters, including Coburn, about his affair with a top aide's wife. South Carolina governor Mark Sanford revealed this summer that he had received counseling from the house's denizens over his own randy hijinx with his Argentinean mistress. And the wife of former GOP congressman Chip Pickering has alleged in divorce proceedings that the house was the site of "wrongful conduct" between her husband and his girlfriend.

Source / TPM
Please see: The Rag Blog

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18 November 2009

Crazy for God : Frank Schaeffer on the Rachel Maddow Show

[There was a remarkable segment on last night's Rachel Maddow Show on MSNBC (Nov. 17, 2009). Former evangelical leader Frank Schaeffer described for Maddow and her audience some genuinely frightening activity that is occurring on the fringes of the religious right, including the use of biblical verse to make thinly-cloaked calls to violence against the President of the United States. Schaeffer asks why the moderate Christian leaders are not up front denouncing this activity. -- Thorne Dreyer / The Rag Blog / November 18, 2009]
Frank Schaeffer on Rachel Maddow:
The religious right and the marketing of violence
This is not funny stuff any more. They cannot be dismissed as just crazies on the fringe.
November 18, 2009
See 'I'm Now a "Liberal" Because I'm a Conservative,' By Frank Schaefer, Below
[Rachel Maddow reports on the latest racist and disturbing attacks on President Obama, including the merchandising of Psalm 109:8 on T-shirts and teddy bears. The Biblical verses are threatening when taken out of context as they do and applied to the President.]

MADDOW: And then there's this, a Biblical quote making the rounds in anti-Obama circles, as reported this week in The Christian Science Monitor: Pray For President Obama -- Psalm 109 Verse 8. What's Psalm 109:8? Well, it reads "Let His Days Be Few, And Let Another Take His Office.' Let his days be few. Uh, it's followed immediately by another verse: 'Let His Children Be Fatherless, And His Wife A Widow."

And don't forget, that sentiment is now being merchandized on bumper stickers, on mouse pads, on teddy bears, on aprons, framed tiles -- those are nice -- keepsake boxes, T-shirts. Let his days be few, ha, ha, on a teddy bear. Is anybody else creeped out by this?

Joining us now is Frank Schaeffer, whose father Francis Schaeffer helped shape the evangelical movement in the United States. Mr. Schaeffer grew up in the religious far-right. He's the author of Patience With God: Faith For People Who Don't Like Religion Or Atheism. Mr. Schaeffer, thanks very much for coming back on the show.

SCHAEFFER: Thanks for having me on.

MADDOW: "Let his days be few and let another take his office. Let his children be fatherless and his wife a widow." This is such strong language in secular terms about President Obama. Can you tell me if this means something less threatening to people hearing this in a Biblical context?

SCHAEFFER: No, actually it means something more threatening.

I think that the situation that I find genuinely frightening right now is that you have a ramping up of biblical language, language from the anti-abortion movement, for instance, death panels, and this sort of thing, and what it's coalescing into is branding Obama as Hitler, as they have already called him, as something foreign to our shores -we're reminded of that, he was "born in Kenya" -- as Brown, as Black, above all, as not us. He is Sarah Palin's "not a real American."

But now, it turns out, that he joins the ranks of the unjust kings of ancient Israel, unjust rulers, to which all these Biblical allusions are directed, who should be slaughtered, if not by God, then by just men.

So there's a direct parallel here with Timothy McVeigh's T-shirt on the day of the Oklahoma City bombing, in which he said that the "tree of liberty had to be watered occasionally by the blood of tyrants," and that quote we saw again at a meeting at which Obama was present being carried on a placard by someone carrying a loaded weapon.

What we're looking at right now is two things going on. We see the evangelical groups that I talk about in my new book, Patience With God, enthralled by an apocalyptic vision that I go into in some detail in there. They represent the millions of people who have turned the Left Behind series into best-sellers. Most of them are not crazy, they're just deluded. But there is a crazy fringe to whom all these little messages that have been pouring out of Fox News, now on a bumper sticker, talking about doing away with Obama, asking God to kill him...

Really, this is trawling for assassins. And this is serious business. It's un-American, it's unpatriotic, and it goes to show that the religious right, the Republican far-right, have coalesced into a group that truly wants American revolution, and if it turns out to be blood in the streets and death, so be it. This is not funny stuff any more. They cannot be dismissed as just crazies on the fringe. It only takes one.
[....]
MADDOW: And, to be clear, I mean, over-the-top political criticism is as American as apple pie, and incredibly intense criticism has been leveled at George W. Bush and against every President that's gone before him in modern times, but you're saying that there is essentially a religious inflection in the most extreme of the commentary against Obama that's operating on a religious level, that's a signal to a religiously-minded audience.

SCHAEFFER: Absolutely. Look. This is the American version of the Taliban. The Taliban quotes the Qu'ran, and al Qaeda quotes certain verses in the Qu'ran, in or out of context, calling for jihad, and bloody war, and the curse of Allah on infidels. This is the Old Testament, Biblical equivalent of calling for holy war. Now, most Americans'll just see the bumper sticker and smile and think that it's facetious. Unfortunately, there are 22 million Americans or so who call themselves super-conservative evangelicals. Of this, a small minority might be violent. But, the general atmosphere here is really getting heated.

And what surprises me is that responsible, if you can put it that way, Republican leadership and the editors of some of these Christian magazines, etc. etc., do not stand up in holy horror and denounce this. You know, they're always asking "Where is the Islamic leadership denouncing terrorism? Why aren't the moderates speaking out?" Well, I challenge the folks who I used to work with... I would just say to them: 'Where the hell are you? This is not funny anymore. And be it on your head if something happens to our President...

Source / Democratic Underground

I'm now a 'liberal' because I'm a conservative

By Frank Schaeffer / November 4, 2009

People ask me why I'm a progressive these days and "changed sides" from being a conservative. I didn't change sides.

I grew up in a fundamentalist missionary family that in the 1970s and 80s morphed into my father's activity as one of the founders of the religious right. We would hobnob with Republican leaders from Ronald Reagan to Gerald Ford and the Bush family, Jack Kemp and many others. One day it dawned on me that the far right of the Republican Party -- in other words its base -- actually hates America.

The religious right reveled in rising crime statistics, "family breakdown" statistics, failing public schools and so forth. As I explain in my book Patience with God: Faith for People Who Don't Like Religion (or Atheism), if crime started going down, or public school test results started going up -- without the country "turning back to Jesus" -- then that would prove that somehow "we" were wrong.

We wanted our country to fail because it had "turned away" from what we believed to be true.

Combined with the fact that we began to lose parts of the culture war, when it came to other Americans beginning to recognize gay rights, expanding women's rights, abortion rights and such, the religious right and the Republican Party infected gun-toting America with a chip on its shoulder about a mile wide. This led to the myth that "they" (fill in the blank, gays, Jews, blacks, liberals -- whatever) are "taking away our country from 'us.'"

"Conservative" means that you believe it's right to legalize torture, but reject health care for all.

These days to be a conservative means that you hate the United States government elected by the people; believe that if millions of citizens are out of work that it's their own fault and that the rest of the community should not help them by spending tax dollars; think that Sarah-believes-in-casting-out-demons-before-she-ran-for-governorship-Palin speaks for you.

To be a conservative means you believe that healthcare reform will lead to "death panels"; that the president of the United States is not a "real American"; that a university education is a dangerous thing; that Americans who live in big cities are less American than those who live in small towns; that brown people, blacks, progressive whites, gays, public school teachers, Hispanics, immigrants, are somehow conspiring to subvert the "real America" with a "gay agenda" or a "Muslim agenda" or at least the browning of "our" white America.

In other words to be a conservative today is to be an anti-American, nihilistic libertarian know-nothing who believes in unregulated consumerism and the theology of dominion, and the Rapture that many conservatives also subscribe to along with such 'facts' as that Obama is the -- literal! -- Antichrist.

In other words to be a conservative today is to be an anti-American, nihilistic libertarian know-nothing who believes in unregulated consumerism and the theology of dominion, and the Rapture that many conservatives also subscribe to along with such "facts" as that Obama is the --- literal! --- Antichrist.

Other than trying to stop women from having abortions and fighting the whole world, our "terrorist enemies," in other words everyone "not like us," conservatism today is nothing more than a pent-up reaction against everything "we" don't understand -- like art, literature, government, history, geography, diversity, how people get to be gay, black or female... things like that.

Conservatism today is actually not for anything. It is just against everyone but "us" and a few like us bound together by an alternative reality, otherwise known as Fox/NRA/Beck/Palin/Jesus's Return -- "News."

The irony is that conservatives used to wrap themselves in the American flag and belonging to a cause built on higher ideals than pure selfishness and individual choice. Patriotism was based on principle, not fear and anger. Conservatism led by people such as the late William F. Buckley, Barry Goldwater and others had its feet firmly planted in what it regarded as the reality-based community as opposed to liberal wishful thinking about progress coming from government, human nature, etc.

The problem for the conservative movement -- hence the Republican Party -- is that the us in "us" was never more narrowly defined.

No one said it openly, in fact it was denied, but it really amounted to we "real Americans" boiling down to mostly uneducated white people, dumb enough to believe things such as Sarah Palin's barefaced lies about Obama consorting with terrorists, and/or, post the Obama election, conspiring to unleash "death panels" on unsuspecting elderly and/or handicapped Americans while turning us into a "Communist state" as everyone knows Hitler did to Germany, that other "communist country" famous right up there with Canada and the UK for killing its sick, tired and poor.

What is the conservative movement today, and/or the Republican Party?

It's about as far away from conservatism as it can get. It is a party ready to trash its own country in support of nihilistic, selfish market-driven "values" -- the very opposite of conservative values of family, community and stability. It is in fact what conservatives of the 60s said the hippies were: selfish brats with no sense of responsibility to anyone.

It's also a party of armed revolution not so subtly egging on its lunatic fringe to commit violence. It applauds white rubes who show up at public meetings carrying loaded assault weapons "to make a point" and signs reminiscent of Timothy McVeigh and his famous T-shirt; "the tree of Liberty must be watered with the blood of tyrants" and the like are held up by Murdoch/Beck/Fox and company -- those profiteers off the unregulated market -- as paragons of good sense and free enterprise and gun rights.

To be an actual conservative today is to be a progressive Democrat.

An actual conservative believes in community and accountability to a moral tradition that puts the greater good of others ahead of oneself. Take a look at the way the very conservative communities of New England's Puritan towns were arranged around the village green known as "the commons."

Shared public spaces were owned by the community, for instance grazing land, and town meeting houses. People were obliged to show up and participate in the fledgling democracy and vote. Taxes were dispensed by committees for charitable purposes. A duty to government and obligations placed on citizens by other citizens -- when it came to putting the life of the community ahead of the self -- were the norm.

The free market and individual enterprise were strictly curtailed based on not just the needs of the community but, when it came to things like banking and lending, the Old Testament teachings that frowned on "usury" -- in other words banks making more money than they should from ordinary people -- were upheld.

President Obama is a conservative. He believes in the brotherhood of all people. He believes in the freedom of the individual to make moral decisions. He believes that sexuality, religion and skin color should not define us but the content of our character should define us. He believes that we are our brother's keeper. He believes in loyalty to community and country -- in other words patriotism, whether that's the honor of serving in the military or the honor of paying taxes to support not just national defense but how we treat what the Bible calls the least amongst us.

People ask me why I'm a progressive these days and "changed sides" from being a conservative. I didn't change sides.

What changed -- ironically with my father's and my nefarious "Help!" -- was a conservative movement that became an enclave for hate-filled ignorance, anti-American sentiment and nihilistic individualism. What changed was my bare faced self deception as I profited from the God business and the far right even though I knew better. Today I am an independent voter, and an Obama supporter, and a progressive because I am a conservative.

[Frank Schaeffer is the author of Crazy for God: How I Grew Up as One of the Elect, Helped Found the Religious Right, and Lived to Take All (or Almost All) of It Back, and the forthcoming Patience with God: Faith for People Who Don't Like Religion (or Atheism).

Source / The Brad Blog
The Rag Blog

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18 October 2009

BOOKS / The Secret Fundamentalism of 'The Family'


The Family:
A little-known Christian 'Mafia'


By Sherman DeBrosse / The Rag Blog / October 18, 2009

[This is the first of a two-part series.]

The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power by Jeff Sharlet. 464 pp. Hardback, Harper (May 20, 2008); trade paperback, Harper Perennial (June 2, 2009).

Jeff Sharlet has written a very provocative book entitled The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power. It is about the powerful "Family" or "Fellowship" of politicians, corporate types, and other "big men" who pray together and consider themselves brothers.

Members define themselves as a “Christian Mafia,” but they do not pack heat or break the law. These people are not ignorant wingnuts. Rather, they are intelligent, resourceful, accomplished, and often very charismatic. They operate secretly, are hierarchically organized, and place great stock in obedience, which they constantly describe as “love.” They claim to be non-partisan, but they are on the way to becoming the officer corps for the Right.

Sometimes they seem to say one thing and do another, and Charles Colson, who is tied to them, might be shedding light on this practice when he frequently discusses the value of the “noble lie.”

Brothers are organized into prayer cells, and this method of organizing has been widely adapted in conservative Christian circles. They have a network of houses and campgrounds, and there is a famous house in Washington, DC where some members of Congress live. Recently, we learned that three members of Congress living in the Fellowship’s house on C Street were involved in sexual scandals. An estate on the Potomac named “The Cedars” is their headquarters.

After 9/11, Sharlet spent some time in “Ivanwald” a training house in Arlington, Virginia, where the brothers trained young men thought to have leadership potential. This movement attracts people who want black and white clarity rather than subtle thinking; they are either Alpha males or want to become them.

From the beginning, the Family has claimed that it was taking Christianity back to what it was in the first century. They never explain what that is, and this claim can best be taken as an indirect way of saying other Christians simply have it wrong. Early Christianity was the religion of the poor and marginalized. These Christians did not seek power and wanted to live apart, thinking that the Second Coming was imminent. They often held goods in common and sometimes bought the freedom of slaves. That kind of Christianity is light years away from what the Family represents!

The Fellowship has existed for seventy years, going back to a group in Seattle who came together to fight unionized longshoremen. They saw strikes as sinful and acts of disobedience against God. It claims to be non-partisan and has some Democratic members, who are usually conservatives. There have been a few liberal members. These people rarely come to the surface, except at the annual National Prayer Breakfast, which they have sponsored since 1953.

Doug Coe took over leadership of The Family in the 1960s, and has only gone into semiretirement recently. Dick Foth, an advisor of John Ashcroft, now leads the Family. Coe is clearly one of the most powerful men in America. He is not into having people attend churches or subscribing to creeds. For him, it is all about submitting to Christ. Another reason to stay away from the Protestant churches was that the brothers thought women ran them.

Vereide and Coe both thought they were conducting spiritual warfare, but their approaches were different. Vereide would openly fight against unions and strikers. Coe is much more subtle, with his followers quietly working in cloakrooms, over dinner, through marriages, and even in bedrooms.

Coe would not change our institutions, but he thinks they should be run by men who submit to Christ. It is a sort of mild dominionism, the idea that the United States must be ruled by followers of Christ. One of their successes was obtaining federal funding of religious outreach programs and charities, and they aim to privatize welfare.

Reverend Vereide was strongly anti-union, pro-laissez faire capitalism, and fiercely anti-Communist. Coe has less to say against unions and cultivates conservative union leaders. He identifies empire and free enterprise with America's core role in the world. Hence, they are somehow Christ's program.

Sometimes members talk about helping the poor, but they make it clear that poverty is God’s disobedience. Some members, like Ed Meese, say it is hard to believe there are any starving children in the United States. They seem far more concerned about the welfare of big oil.

President George H.W. Bush, left, with the The Family's Douglas Coe, center. Photo from the George Bush Presidential Library.

They are about power

The brothers of The Family are about wielding power and influencing people who have it, the "big men." They patiently spend years cultivating these big men. They see Christ as the ultimate strong, forceful male and frequently quote his words about bringing the sword and division.

These people are what some would call "social dominance oriented.” Studies suggest that such people view equality negatively and would strongly agree that some people are more worthy than others.

Theirs is not the gentle Christ of the beatitudes and Sermon on the Mount. Sharlet does not explain why the cult of the personality is so important to them, but he quotes Theodore Adorno: “The more impersonal our order becomes, the more important personality becomes as an ideology.”

Maybe that explains the Sarah Palin phenomenon. Doug Coe emphasizes the person of Jesus rather than his teachings and sees The Master as a powerful Alpha male. Coe repeatedly talked about “Jesus + nothing,” and it seems to be a completely malleable formula. Any policy can be plugged in and be made a policy Christ demands the United States follow.

These people have an unhealthy interest in Hitler, Stalin, Mao Tsedung, and Ghengis Khan. They are particularly interested in Hitler, whom they admit was an evil man. But they admire his organizational skill, his understanding of human nature, his genius, and particularly his ability to sway others. Some of the brothers study and practice Hitler’s oratorical techniques. The Family of Coe’s generation are not fascists, but they have no warm feelings about democracy. They are authoritarians by any measure.

The Brothers are mainly cultivating potential leaders and “big men” so that they can use them. But they also want to save the souls of ordinary people so that those folks can be controlled and social order will be preserved. Their bottom line is that salvation comes to nations and not to persons on an individual by individual process -- a very unfundamentalist bit of theology.

These people take very seriously the medieval idea that God anoints rulers. That explains, in part, the support they have given a number of bloody dictators, including some non-Christians like General Shuarto. There is a long list of similar monsters that they befriended, in return for their help in extending American economic and political power. Among these foreign friends are Papa Doc Duvalier, Emperor Heili Selassie, Korea’s General Park, and Brazil’s General Medici.

By all accounts, they have great power. It is difficult to measure their power because they keep a low profile. This book provides many examples of ways in which they have influenced other governments and their ability to access anyone in government. Their power rests upon their personalities, their connections, the importance of the people within the Fellowship, and their influence over conservative Christianity.

Sharlet demonstrates that the Family has strong ties to leaders of the Religious Right, which includes fundamentalists, evangelicals, Pentecostals, and others. Bill Bright of the Campus Crusade for Christ is tied to the brothers. Though claiming his movement is non-political, he occasionally has revealed an intense partisanship and strong opposition to the doctrine of the separation of church and state.

Chuck Colson, another close ally, writes about a “veritable underground of Christ’s men all through government.” Billy Graham had early ties with the movement and learned lessons he applied to his overseas operations. Family members also extended various services to the young Pat Robertson. The Fellowship has extensive overseas networks.

Some have written that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is a member and that Coe is her spiritual mentor. It appears that she has prayed with Senator Sam Brownback’s group, has met Coe, and was grateful for Fellowship people’s prayers during the Lewinsky affair. However, she is a female so she cannot be a member. There is no evidence Coe is her spiritual mentor.

Religious fundamentalism

So much is secret about the Family that Sharlet thought it necessary to do extensive research on the thought of various Christian fundamentalists and evangelicals. What was striking to this writer was that so many of the fundamentalists and evangelicals he discussed felt left out and powerless, and that they sought to reverse these feelings by finding absolute TRUTH in scripture and doctrine. This kind of belief seemed to greatly empower them.

On the other hand, the people in the Fellowship are powerful and know it. Indeed, their sense of being empowered makes it possible to override and reinterpret many of Christ’s clear teachings.

Sharlet calls Family members "fundamentalists." That term, when defined strictly in religious terms, probably fit their founder, Abram Vereide, in some ways and in his early years. Fundamentalists are biblical literalists, and “fundamentalism” has a very precise religious meaning, and does not really fit today's Family.

Religious fundamentalists have very clearly defined beliefs, and the Family is not in favor of creedalism. The Family speaks the language of religious fundamentalists and aspires to speak for the religious Right, which includes the more numerous evangelicals and Pentecostals.

Author Jeff Sharlet. Photo by Greg Martin.

Social fundamentalism

If the term “fundamentalism” is applied to the Family to measure a fundamentalism in economic, cultural, and social matters, it is apt. Some, like Jimmy Carter, have used the word “fundamentalism” in the broader sociological context suggested here, and Martin Marty has sometimes done the same He believes that Adorno’s study of the roots of authoritarianism is really an examination of societal fundamentalism.

Luigi Tomasi of the University of Trento, who works in sociological theory, development, and religion, speaks of a "social fundamentalism” that best describes the kind of fundamentalism Jeff Sharlet is discussing.

Like the religious fundamentalists, the social fundamentalists think that their principles must be practiced in full, and without compromises. Social fundamentalists, like religious fundamentalists, adhere to what they think are some simple but noble principles that they think are overlooked.

Both sorts of Fundamentalists are absolutists in the sense that they can explain all relevant phenomenons in terms of their basic ideas. Alternative interpretations must be demonized. Whatever they believe is sanctioned by a higher authority. In the case of the Fellowship, it is God the processes of history.

Literalism is another characteristic, but it only seems to apply some of the time in the case of the Family.

They are also exclusivist in that they believe there is only one way to interpret their basic ideas. Fundamentalists or both the religious and social sorts are inclined to be true believers. They boost their self esteem by seeing themselves as an “in” group that opposes an “out” group that, for the moment, dominates society.

The desire to be part of an important “in” group seems to be related to creating for themselves a collective identity as religious fundamentalists or as members of the Fellowship.

Religious and social fundamentalists want to reconstruct the world by applying principles drawn from the past. They can be viewed as radical traditionalists. As traditionalists, they think time honored social distinctions are just part of the nature of how things are and should be.

They are atavistic in that they want to return to elements of a mythic past, especially one in which women were kept in their place. Atavistic movements find salvation in elements of the past and create myths about them. Frequently, they target neighbors as the dreaded “Other.” Feminism is the scapegoat for many problems, partly because it is totally secular.

This anti-feminism is rooted in the fact that males are losing power, and, in a larger sense, fundamentalisms represent efforts of individuals and groups to regain power and control over their situations. In the case of the Family, social fundamentalists, we have an extreme effort of males to acquire great power as a group and individually, as Alpha males.

In some ways they are anti-modern, although religious fundamentalists have pioneered in exploiting new developments in communications technology. Fundamentalists generally are troubled by diversity and pluralism, and some resent the modern tendency toward economic globalization.

However, the Family has a record of working to promote economic globalism, and here it differs sharply from many of the religious fundamentalists they would lead and speak for. In other cultures, religious fundamentalists have often taken positions in defense of the poor, but in the United States they often resent money spent alleviating poverty, and they embrace economic doctrines that serve the rich and corporate power.

There was a time when religious fundamentalists refused to engage the culture and broader society. Now many of them seek to use their votes to take over the political polity. The Family, religious conservatives and social fundamentalists, work day and night to accomplish this and are experts at engaging the culture and mixing with people who do not agree with them.

The Fellowship consistently champions bare-knuckled, unfettered capitalism as Christ’s doctrine. They are what the British call “market radicals” or what Americans call “market fundamentalists.” High on their agenda is extending U.S. influence in the world, and they subscribe to what scholars have called “foreign policy fundamentalism,” the outlook that more force is always appropriate.

They subscribe to the notion that the United States is God’s favored nation and they back interventionism and U.S. imperialism. Vereide had a fetish about conforming to traditional social norms. The Family, as social fundamentalists, join religious fundamentalists, are upset or worse by the onset of modernization and the ascendancy of secular values. Both are at odds with what they think is a depraved culture.

Political wolves in sheep’s clothing

There are many serious and able Protestant theologians. As a volunteer for an historical agency, I read and analyzed their works for many years. On the other hand, there is much that passes as theology that is little more than political commentary or weak social science.

Some years ago, I acquired a multi-volume set by an eminent conservative Protestant theologian. As I studied the volumes, I kept wondering if I was reading a mix of politics and sociology rather than theology. Most of it was like what we often find on Sunday morning TV, mostly politics and maybe a little religion. What I knew as theology was largely absent. The religious comments that were there were thin gruel, and not the careful argumentation of a theologian.

The same is true of The Family. They have all the cultural concerns of the old evangelical America that has been slowly fading since the 1920s. But their real passion is for market capitalism and the American empire. There are some positive accomplishments to attribute to them. Coe worked with Bono in his humanitarian work, and some members have helped build hospitals.

When I set aside the last volume, I was unable to identify where the theology was. Sharlet tried to trace The Family back through the Second Great Awakening and all the way back to Jonathan Edwards. Those links are not that solid.

The Family members pray, but it is hard to find any serious religious thought or theological literacy here. What we have is social and political movement taking on religious clothing. That, of course is natural. Even medieval weavers did a better job presenting their discontent over wages as a religious movement.

Post-Civil War southern frustrations presented themselves as the religion of the lost cause, and had a certain degree of theological substance. Too many on the Religious Right have taken the road of Doug Coe -- perhaps beginning with some genuine religious concerns but soon practicing politics falsely presented as religious work.

Next: Part II: Right Wing Populism.

[Sherman DeBrosse is a retired history teacher. Sherm spent seven years writing an analytical chronicle of what the Republicans have been up to since the 1970s. The New Republican Coalition : Its Rise and Impact, The Seventies to Present (Publish America) can be acquired by calling 301-695-1707. On line, go here.]

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The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power by Jeff Sharlet on Amazon.com.

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