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20 November 2009

Lily Keber : Putting Families in Jail in America


Putting children in jail:
T. Don Hutto and family detention in America

As hope for change in Obama immigration policy dwindles, activists speculate on the fate of family detention.
By Lily Keber / The Rag Blog / November 20, 2009
See 'Hutto: America's Family Prison,' A film by Lily Keber and Matt Gossage, Below.
When she first arrived in the U.S. with her two small children, Denia didn’t realize she was pregnant. Fleeing an abusive relationship in Honduras, she had traveled north to the U.S. to reunite with her mother, a naturalized citizen living in Houston. But instead of reuniting with their grandmother, Denia and her daughters found themselves in a medium-security prison, dressed in prison garb and forced to line up to be counted several times daily.

Though pregnant, she was losing weight from lack of food. Guards shouted at her children and threatened to take them away if they misbehaved. Security lights were left on all night, and alarms went off if a child wandered from its cell during the night.

Denia remembers:
“I was really scared. I would say: 'Dear God -- what am I going to do with a newborn here? He’ll die in this freezing cold' It was so cold, and the worst thing was that they wouldn’t give us enough blankets... And how could I get enough rest if resting is prohibited here? I wouldn’t be able to take care of myself properly the way one should after giving birth. I was really worried.”
The rise of family detention

Unfortunately, Denia’s experiences are not unique. The U.S. has been detaining families since March 2001. In an effort to end what was labeled the “catch-and-release” policy -- wherein migrants with immigration violations were given a mandate to appear in court and then released back into the community -- the Department of Homeland Security under Michael Chertoff began detaining all immigrants without documents -- even those with small children.

The first facility for families was an 84-bed converted nursing home in Berks County, PA. At Berks, families were separated by age and gender and slept in dorm-style rooms, 2–8 per room. (Children under five slept with their parent.) But even with Berks open, there was not enough room for all the families ICE was detaining. Some were still being released. Others were separated -- adults sent to adult facilities while children as young as six months old were sent to children’s facilities or foster care. After 9/11, DHS announced it needed more room to expand, and turned to long-time partner Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) for solutions.

The largest for-profit corrections company in the country, CCA is best known for its infamous failed bid to take over the corrections operations of the entire state of Tennessee. However, by 2000 CCA had hit hard times and its stocks were at an all-time low. In July 2005, it had been forced to shutter the T. Don Hutto Detention Facility -- a medium-security prison in Texas -- due to lack of demand. CCA jumped at the government’s offer to pay $2.8 million a month to house immigrant families. In May 2006, it reopened the prison as the T. Don Hutto Residential Facility. Little had changed except the name and the population. Razor wire still laced the fencing, though now with wooden playgrounds in the yard and painted murals in the halls.

Familes in the hall of the T. Don Hutto Residential Center in Taylor, Texas. Photo by Charles Reed / Dept. of Homeland Security / via AP.

“I was shocked. It was like nothing I had ever seen,” said Barbara Hines, director of the University of Texas Immigration Clinic and one of the first to visit Hutto. Frances Valdez, a former UT Immigration Clinic student, adds:
“It was surreal. It was everything I had already experienced in other jails, but here was this baby. I would go out [to Hutto] asking [the inmates] about their immigration issues and… they started telling me about the conditions… They were like, ‘Hey, I can't be here, get me out of here. My kids are getting sick, and they can't eat the food and I can't eat the food, and they separate us at night and they yell at us and they only give us 15 minutes to eat and my children are really scared and crying and it's horrible.’”
Other reports from initial visits describe children in prison garb, poor sanitation, limited education for the children, only one hour of access to fresh air and recreation, and armed guards threatening the families.

Denia’s 5-year-old daughter remembers:
“For me it was terrible because I would always dream at night that they were yelling at my mother and they were going take her to another jail. And they had told us that mothers who misbehave and take extra cookies in their pockets [for their kids to eat] would be sent somewhere else and…that they would take the children away from their mothers."
Word spread about the facility and outrage grew. An early report of the rape of an inmate by a guard mobilized neighbors. Local activists from Williamson County and nearby Austin began staging candlelight vigils and protests. Representatives from the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children testified to Congress about its findings at Hutto, recommending the facility be closed immediately.

Jorge Bustamante, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants, attempted an investigation on conditions in Hutto and was denied access. Two documentaries were made, and screenings staged across the country. Articles appeared in the New York Times, New Yorker, The Economist, salon.com, and local papers.

Barbara Hines, clinical law professor at the University of Texas, Austin, with ACLU lawyers Vanita Gupta and Lisa Graybill at T. Don Hutto in 2007. Photo from statesman.com.

In March 2007, the ACLU and UT Law Clinic waged a lawsuit against ICE maintaining that children were being held in inhumane conditions. Several months later, ICE settled and pledged improvements to the facility. Education and recreation times increased, pregnant women were allowed more food, and families permitted to close the door to their rooms as they slept. CCA officials maintain that reforms at Hutto had been underway already and were not due to the lawsuit.

Immigrant detention continued to expand throughout the Bush years. Plans were announced for three similar facilities to be built in other parts of the country, and rumors spread of families held in other unauthorized facilities.

With Obama’s election, hopes soared that the new administration would usher in comprehensive change in immigration policy. In August of this year, ICE Secretary John Morton announced a reworking of the nation’s immigration jail network into a “truly civil detention center.” In August 2009, ICE announced Hutto was to stop taking families, and that plans for three additional family detention facilities were to be scrapped. Obama’s call for progressive reform was, it seemed, coming to fruition. By September 17th, all families had left the facility.

Demonstrators at T. Don Hutto. Photo from Of América.


Family detention under Obama

Today, Hutto looks pretty much the same as it always has: a drab building tucked just out of town, sandwiched between a train car storage yard and fields of Texas beef cattle. The razor wire is gone, and freshly painted murals inside the facility depict smiling cartoon animals, a reminder to visitors of its former occupants. Hutto is back at maximum occupancy, though this time with women. Even before the last of the families were out, CCA had worked a new contract with ICE to house women from its other immigrant detention facilities at Hutto.

“By more fully utilizing the facility’s capacity and consolidating the female populations from multiple facilities, this change will yield substantial savings each month, “ICE spokeswoman Nina Pruneda said. And indeed, current reforms seem driven as much by the bottom line as by humanitarian concerns. By ending family detention at Hutto, ICE will save nearly $900,000 per month in contract costs.

The question remains, though: Where are arrested families going today? According to ICE, detained families will now be housed at Berks Family Residential Center in PA. Yet not a single family from Hutto made it to Berks; all were either deported or released. And at an 84-bed capacity, it is hardly sufficient for current needs, let alone for future expansion. Compounding this is an August announcement in the Reading Eagle that Berks County commissioners “are considering getting out of the alien-housing business.” New federal regulations prohibit governmental agencies from turning a profit on these types of services, and the county is just breaking even.

According to ICE spokesperson Carl Rusnok, today “each family is evaluated on a case-by-case basis. The Berks Residential Family Facility is the only facility ICE now uses to house families. Families that are encountered may be placed at Berks, placed on an ‘alternative to detention’ or issued a notice to appear before a federal immigration judge and released on their own recognizance.”

But Bob Libal of Grassroots Leadership worries:
“I think it is still unclear what is happening to people apprehended at the border. ICE says it is sending people to Berks, but I think there is some concern ICE may facilitate a new family detention center. I think it is important to look critically at Berks… and see if conditions are adequate or if people are being held for long periods of time. Is Berks another 84 beds that ICE doesn’t have to use?”
Libal adds: “The advocacy community is ready to fight for increased use of alternatives rather than increased family detention.”

Others worry that ICE has no intentions of limiting detention, only of avoiding the flashpoints that caused public outcry in the past. This spring, it released a request for comments on standards for a family residential facility, leading some to suggest that it will be building its own facilities. “ICE says they are in the process of developing a new assessment tool that will help them determine whether a family can be released, or placed into an alternatives program pending resolution of their status instead of being detained,” says Michelle Brane of the Women’s Refuge Commission. [The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children has since changed its name to Women’s Refugee Commission.] “They have told us in the meantime that they are releasing families and using alternatives to detention.”

Alternatives to detention -- such as supervised release and ankle-bracelet monitoring -- allow a family to remain in the community while greatly improving the chances they’ll make their court hearing. It also saves the government a substantial sum of money: the most expensive alternatives to detention cost $14 per day, compared with detention rates that can exceed $100 per day.

“In general, ICE seems to be moving away from subcontracting its detention needs out to private companies and local jails,” said Lauren Martin, doctoral student at the University of Kentucky. This continued reliance on detention “indicates a lot of continuity between Bush and Obama. They’re going to build facilities for low-risk populations like asylum seekers, families, etc, and actually expand capacity.”

A cell with a baby bed and children's toys at the T. Don Hutto Residential Center in Taylor, Texas. Photo by L.M. Otero / Pool via AP.

Though all sides agree that Hutto is better than it was when it initially opened, it’s hard to find such enthusiasm about the broader picture. “Even though Hutto no longer holds families, there’s still 512 women being held there. That’s not something that anyone would have advocated for. Beyond that, here they haven’t made any moves to shut down or improve the most egregious conditions in Texas detention centers… There’s a lot of skepticism,” contended Martin.

A recent report by Dr. Dora Schriro, former director of the ICE Office of Detention Policy, focuses federal priorities on detainee care and uniformity at detention centers. The report recommends that ICE establish standards and assessment tools for its detention facilities, improve medical care, and provide federal oversight of its detention operations- all goals lawyers and activists have been calling for.

But with nearly 380,000 immigrants detained in ICE custody a year -- 30,000 on any given day in 300 facilities nationwide -- it is clear that Obama has not brought a shift away from detention, only a repeal of some of the worse malpractices of the Bush administration.

Where family detention will go from here, no one knows for sure. “ICE has made clear that they plan to issue [a Request for Proposals] and open a new facility, one that they say will be better suited to families with young children. It is still unclear what that means,” says Michelle Brane. “For the present, we are all still waiting for answers from ICE.”

[Lily Keber is a documentary filmmaker and teacher living in New Orleans. Her film Hutto: America's Family Prison brought family detention to national attention and continues to be used as an activism tool throughout the country. She currently is a media trainer for New Orleans Video Voices, a media collective devoted to fostering critical, independent thinking through the direct and meaningful use of new media.]

Hutto: America's Family Prison:
A film by Lily Keber and Matt Gossage

Hutto: America's Family Prison from Lily Keber on Vimeo.

  • For previous Rag Blog articles on T. Don Hutto and immigrant family detention, go here.
The Rag Blog

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10 September 2009

Beyond Hutto : Reforming Immigrant Detention

Demonstrator at T. Don Hutto detention facility on World Refugee Day, June 20, 2009. Photo by Melissa Del Bosque / The Texas Observer.

Beyond Hutto:
Activists reflect on the continuing struggle against immigrant detention centers.


By DC Tedrow / The Rag Blog / September 10, 2009

In response to mounting criticism of harsh policies, the Obama administration announced in August that the United States would begin reforming the government's immigrant detention system. Although details are sketchy and changes will be introduced slowly, one immediate and appreciable shift in policy was the announcement that Immigrant and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will no longer send immigrant families to the T. Don Hutto Residential Center in Taylor, Texas, just northwest of Austin.

That the administration mentioned Hutto specifically is not surprising; news media, religious groups, and progressive activists have criticized the facility for locking up children since Hutto began detaining families in May 2006. In 2007, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit against ICE on behalf of families detained at Hutto, which led to improved conditions at the facility. After investigating the prison in June 2009, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) announced in a press release that, even though conditions had improved since the ACLU lawsuit, the continued detention of asylum seekers and their children at Hutto violated principles of international law.

In addition to the ACLU and the IACHR, the organizations Grassroots Leadership and Texans United for Families have helped lead the charge against the Hutto facility. Below, Bob Libal of Grassroots Leadership and Lauren Martin of Texans United for Families discuss Hutto, the Obama administration’s announcement, and prospects for future organizing.

Bob Libal is the Texas coordinator for Grassroots Leadership, a southern based social justice organization taking on private prisons, and an activist in the movement to end immigrant detention at Hutto. Lauren Martin is a member of Texans United for Families, an Austin-based coalition working to end family detention, and is a PhD student in geography at the University of Kentucky.


Talk about the history of the T. Don Hutto facility.

Bob Libal: Basically, Hutto was a medium-security prison that Corrections Corporation of America took over in the late '90s. It was a failing private prison that couldn't retain much of a population base. CCA had contracted with U.S. Marshals, with ICE to house adult detainees, and both of those contracts had fallen through. Then, in the spring of 2006 they reopened it with the announcement that they were going to be detaining immigrant families, including small children for ICE. This was a pretty big expansion of the family detention system in this country.

In August, the Obama administration announced that the U.S. government would no longer be holding immigrant families at facilities such as Hutto. Why did they make this move?

Bob Libal: I think they made this decision because of political pressure, because organizers had made Hutto a lightning rod of controversy. The decision basically takes family detention policy back to pre-9/11 levels. Before the announcement last month, there were two family detention centers in the country: Hutto and the Berks County Detention Center in Pennsylvania, which has 80 beds. Last year, ICE proposed three new family detention centers around the country. What we were looking at, up until this announcement, was an expansion of the family detention system.

The announcement is that they would be either transferring families to Berks or releasing them on alternatives-to-detention programs. Berks is full right now: it's at capacity at 82 beds, so in reality what that's translated to is they're releasing families into alternatives-to-detention programs or releasing them with notices to appear at their immigration hearings. They also are taking the new family detention centers off the table. I think it's a pretty substantial victory. The New York Times described it as the first major departure on immigration policy from the Bush administration.

Is this going back to the idea of "catch and release?"

Bob Libal: I've heard John Morten, who is the Assistant Secretary for Homeland Security, say “No, we're not returning to that.” But I think the people who are getting out of Hutto are getting out on notices to appear. I think that it's still unclear how this sort of processing is going to take place. Say that you're apprehended or apply for asylum on the border. What happens to you? Are you then just released into an alternatives-to-detention program, or are you sent to Berks and then released? I think we don't know that yet. What it does mean is that, at any one time, there are a lot fewer families in detention.

Lauren Martin: I think it's important to differentiate, too, between "catch and release," which is really vague and could mean anything, and the bond and parole procedures that have been in place and are available to many immigrant detainees. That's often what families are released on. There is some degree of supervision, and they also pay quite a bit of money either in bond or for parole to participate in those programs. So "release" is misleading. Just because they're not in Hutto, there are still other forms of institutional supervision. Alternatives-to-detention programs have a wide range of forms of supervision.

"Catch and release" is this phrase that critics of this policy bandy about.

Lauren Martin: Right. And the justification for opening Hutto was that they need to move from "catch and release" to "catch and return." There's a presumption of illegality -- that all these families would be released into the population and abscond. Michael Chertoff said that. A vast majority of the families that have been detained at Hutto are asylum seeking families, so it's a lot more complicated than this simplistic illegal-versus-legal dichotomy.

Hutto has not been shut down, though. It's been converted into a detention center for women, correct?

Lauren Martin: Yes. After the legal settlement mandated that they do periodic reviews -- every 30 days they have to review whether a specific family qualifies to be released on bond or parole -- once they started doing that, they did start releasing families a lot faster, which made the population drop. So they filled Hutto halfway with immigrant women. As families are released, it will be filled completely with immigrant women without children. That's what they've announced. It's not closed.

What now? Will Grassroots Leadership continue to focus on Hutto?

Lauren Martin: I work with Texans United for Families, a coalition of people that have been fighting family detention at Hutto. I can sort of speak for the coalition, but not Grassroots Leadership. We're trying to figure out what the announcement really means, so we've been staying in close contact with Washington, D.C.-based advocates who have closer relationships with ICE, and the attorneys in the lawsuit who are actually representing folks at Hutto, to see what's going on there and to make sure that everything continues to go well. The next project is to figure out how to use the energy from the victory -- because it is still a victory, even it's a partial one -- how to roll that in to serve the next campaign. What are the lessons we've learned? How do we build on it and expand it?

We also have to think about, what do we do when there are not families detained? That was clearly something that mattered to a lot of people. And widening the question to detention requires very careful strategies about messaging, although there's plenty to organize around.

Do you think there's a climate for expanding this message to include more than just families? To target detention itself?

Lauren Martin: I think so. There have been a lot of really successful campaigns in the United States around other family-related issues, not necessarily family detention. In New York, Families for Freedom is a close ally of ours, and they've been organizing around the Child Citizen Protection Act, which is basically an act that says if someone has a citizen child, then the immigration judge will get some discretion to not deport the parents. Right now, in many situations, judges get no discretion. They don't get to say, "This person clearly has family ties, they have a few kids who need them, so it would be better not to deport this person." Immigration judges' hands are tied by the way our legislation is written right now.

Family unity is supposed to the backbone of our immigration system. However heternormative a form a family it may be, it is still what both conservatives and liberals think of as the touchstone of the immigration system. So I think that's actually a really powerful discourse that we can use to expand to other injustices in the immigration system, because it's something that everybody understands, whereas immigration law is totally obscure and difficult to understand.

Bob Libal: We will certainly continue to draw attention to the broader issues of immigrant detention and private prisons. And I believe that we will continue to draw attention to Hutto, since it's right outside of Austin and still a private prison that holds immigrant detainees. But I think that it is important to think strategically about how we can best push back on that system. I don't think we've figured out exactly what the next big campaign is going to be, because there are so many immigrant detention centers. It's important to both target geographic locations -- like a facility -- but also work towards policy change.

I think that is one of the lessons of the Hutto campaign: You can target a facility to make it very infamous, which the movement did to Hutto. But at the same time, it was drawing attention to a broader policy, which is family detention. I think we've pushed back family detention policy by drawing attention to Hutto. Hopefully we'll be able to do that again in the future: by targeting a facility and pushing back on a policy like mandatory detention, secure communities, or any of these other really horrendous programs that lead to the incarceration of immigrants on a mass scale.

[DC Tedrow edits The New Texas Radical where this article also appears.]

The Rag Blog

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12 June 2009

Vigil at T. Don Hutto Center on June 20th

As ICE cynically says on their Web site, "The facility provides an effective and humane alternative to maintain the unity of alien families as they await the outcome of their immigration hearings or the return to their home countries."

Family Friendly Lockups?
By Diana Claitor / The Rag Blog / June 12, 2009

Central Texas is one of two places in the entire U.S. where the federal immigration people are experimenting with family detention. The other is Pennsylvania.

Now, I don’t know about you, but I think we Austinites need to take every chance to show the feds and the world that we don’t approve, that we are not okay with refugee mamas and their babies and kids being incarcerated in a prison camp while their cases are decided.

The T. Don Hutto Center is not actually in Austin, but on the railroad tracks on the edge of nearby Taylor (about 30 miles east of Austin) and it is run by the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), a for-profit adult corrections company.

On Saturday, June 20th, organizations from across Texas will be joined by Amnesty International and National LULAC in a vigil honoring World Refugee Day in front of the T. Don Hutto family detention center in Taylor, Texas.

A caravan will leave Austin from 2604 E. Caesar Chavez at 11:30 am. The vigil will begin with a 1pm walk from Heritage Park in Taylor. Protestors will gather for a vigil at the T. Don Hutto detention center at 1001 Welch from 2-4pm.

Warning: Get a map online beforehand, because it’s off the beaten track.

There will be speakers, music, art and a lot of that big red sun, so I will not do the walk but instead will go straight to the vigil at 2 p.m. and wear a hat. It would be good to see a strong Austin contingent there in light of the national visitors. Maybe some of us ex-Rag, ex-Sun and early Chron people want to say “Ya basta!” to this whole idea for detaining children.

Family detention is not a simple subject—check out the New Yorker article and see the two exceptional documentaries on Hutto—but one basic truth applies: it’s just not right. More humane and less-costly alternatives exist that keep families together and out of prison-like detention centers. A study by the Vera Institute found that more than 90% of immigrants on a supervised release program attended their immigration hearings. The average cost of a supervision program is $12 a day compared to reportedly over $200 a day to detain a person at Hutto.

And listen to the nine-year-old kid from Canada when he says, "I don't like to stay in this jail .... this place is not good for me."

Check out tdonhutto.blogspot.com for more information. Or call Bob Libal of Grassroots Leadership at (512) 971-0487 or Diana Claitor of Texas Jail Project at (512) 597-8746.

Source /

The Rag Blog

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23 June 2009

Ansel Herz: A Report of a March on T. Don Hutto

Click the arrow button in the bottom right-hand corner for a better view. (Sorry about the wind noise, folks!)

Podcast with pictures: Texans march against Hutto detention center on World Refugee Day
By Ansel Herz / June 22, 2009

This was my second time traveling out to Hutto. Transcript and more information below.

[Chanting]

“I’ve known about this place, this is just my first time coming here. When I first got here, I actually felt like crying because I felt so angry that they would do this to people. Everybody talks about peace in the world and stuff, but this has nothing to do with it…”

18-year-old Yvette Garza joined about a hundred people from around Texas on Saturday afternoon in Taylor, a forty-minute drive from Austin. For the third year in a row, activists marked World Refugee Day with a march across town to the T. Don Hutto Residential Center, an immigrant detention center holding undocumented families, including at least 100 women and young children. Jose Orta, a Taylor resident, said the corporate-run facility should be shut down.

“They are incarcerated. And those children have done nothing, nothing wrong. They are non-criminals. Yet they are in a medium-security prison. No matter what you call it – you can call it a detention facility or a residential facility, whatever. It is a medium-security prison, and T. Don Hutto’s got to go!”

[Marching]

“People started making profits for people wanting to make money off of people’s misery.”

Conrado Acevedo, an activist with the indigenous coalition ‘Defense of Our Mother,’ traveled from Houston.

“They used to let ‘em go and then they would show up in court, which was the more humane way. But now when you put people in jail, especially a mother with kids, I mean that’s totally uncomprehensible in a supposedly democratic society. So we’ve been coming here for two years…”

[Sound]

The march eventually spilled onto an field alongside the facility. Marchers raised their voices, hoping the kids inside would hear them.

The group rallied for another few hours with music and speeches in the blazing sun across from the detention center. They vowed to continue protesting until the facility is closed and the families are released.

It’s June 22, 2009, this has been a Mediahacker.org podcast, and I’m Ansel Herz.

Cross-posted to YouTube and to HIMC. Learn more:

* T. Don Hutto blog
* America’s Family prison short film by Matt Gossage
* “The Least of These” film
* More pictures at Houston Indymedia

Source / Media Hacker

The Rag Blog

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03 March 2008

Take A Stand on Hutto Detention Center

UT/Austin law professor Barbara Hines and students from her immigration law clinic, outside the Hutto Immigrant Detention Center at Taylor, Texas.


Tuesday : Say No To Hutto

This is a reminder that following Tuesday's primary elections will be a caucus where you have the opportunity to shape the party platforms. We can use this opportunity to raise the issue of immigrant children and their families detained at the T. Don Hutto detention center.

After the polls close, people will gather at their respective precincts for caucuses. The Democrats will start caucusing at 7:15, the Republicans at 8:00pm. Anyone who attends the caucus can introduce resolutions and platform issues. The Democratic precinct chairperson in every Williamson County, Travis County, and Bexar County precinct should have a resolution titled "alternatives to detention of immigrant and asylum-seeking children" or "close Hutto" in their precinct packets. You can also bring the attached resolution to the caucus.

If you live in another county, you'll have to print the resolution and bring it to your precinct caucus location. During the caucus there will be a time to discuss and vote on the resolutions after the presidential vote has taken place. You may have to mention that you would like to discuss the children detention/Hutto resolution. More on the process is available from the Texas Observer, Grits for Breakfast and Burnt Orange Report.

The resolution (below) is for the Democratic caucuses but can be easily adjusted for the Republican caucuses by changing the party name. If your precinct passes the resolution, please let me know as I'd like to keep a running tally.

Bob Libal
Grassroots Leadership / Texans United for Families / The Rag Blog


Resolution on Immigrant Detention

Resolution re: Alternatives to Detention of Immigrant and Asylum-seeking Children

WHEREAS, The Texas portion of the border between the United States and Mexico comprises more than half of the nearly 2,000-mile boundary between the two countries; as a result of this proximity, the State of Texas is uniquely aware of the importance of border protection to the security of the nation as a whole and sensitive to the impact of immigration on the economic and social well-being of both countries; and

WHEREAS, The Office of the Inspector General at the Department of Homeland Security estimates the costs of detaining illegal immigrants to be $1.2 billion annually, and current research indicates that detaining immigrant and asylum-seeking families does not deter illegal immigration;

WHEREAS, Homeland Security recently re-opened the T. Don Hutto Residential Facility in Taylor, Texas, operated by private prison firm Corrections Corporation of America, for the purpose of detaining immigrant and asylum-seeking families who are awaiting immigration proceedings; Of the families detained, approximately half are children; and

WHEREAS, the United States house and senate committees on appropriations have each expressed concern about children of families detained at the center, particularly about reports that some children have been removed from their families and placed in separate facilities; and

WHEREAS, Children who have had no decisive role in their migration or flight should not be exposed to avoidable trauma; it is clearly within our means to provide these children and infants a safe environment without disruption to their families, nutrition, education, and exercise while their parents await immigration proceedings; and

WHEREAS, A valid alternative to detaining immigrant families would be to release and reunite these children and their parents but closely monitor them under the Intensive Supervision Appearance Program, thereby reducing the emotional consequences to young children and the financial burden to taxpayers; Considering the apparent consequences of family detention, every possible alternative to family detention should be examined, considered, and exhausted before such action is taken; now, therefore, be it

RESOLVED, This Democratic Party caucus respectfully requests the Democratic Party of Texas to adopt and add to its platform that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security consider all alternatives to the detention of immigrant and asylum-seeking families with children; and, be it further

RESOLVED, That the Democratic Party of Texas forward official copies of this resolution to the president of the United States, the speaker of the house of representatives and the president of the senate of the United States Congress, all members of the Texas delegation to the congress, and the secretary of the United States Department of Homeland Security, with the request that this resolution be officially entered and adopted by the Democratic Party of the State of Texas.

Note: MDS/Austin has prepared a resolution on withdrawal from Iraq to be presented at precinct caucuses. It is available here.

Thorne Dreyer / The Rag Blog

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29 February 2008

The Lost Children of Hutto

In its March 3, 2008 issue, The New Yorker magazine has a major feature story on the T. Don Hutto detention center in Taylor, Texas – one of two facilities in the country used to detain immigrant families. Hutto has been the focus of a major concerted effort to bring national attention to the nature of the Hutto prison, to conditions at the facility and to bring a legal challenge against Hutto.

Barbara Hines and students in her immigration law clinic at the University of Texas at Austin have played a primary role in these efforts. Professor Hines, a noted immigration attorney, also worked in the seventies with The Rag, Austin’s influential underground newspaper whose spirit lives in The Rag Blog.

This feature, titled “The Lost Children,” is not currently accessible on line. We will run it in this space in a series of installments over the next few days.

Thorne Dreyer / The Rag Blog



Leave No Child Behind Bars
by Margaret Talbot

In the summer of 1995, an Iranian man named Majid Yourdkhani allowed a friend to photocopy pages from “The Sa­tanic Verses,” the Salman Rushdie novel, at the small print shop that he owned in Tehran. Government agents arrested the friend and came looking for Majid, who secretly crossed the border to Turkey and then flew to Canada. In his haste, Majid was forced to leave behind his wife, Masomeh; for months afterward, Iranian government agents phoned her and said things like “If you aren’t divorcing him, then you are supporting him, and we will therefore arrest you and torture you.”

That October, Masomeh also escaped from Iran and joined Majid in Toronto, where they lived for ten years. Majid worked in a pizza place, Masomeh in a coffee shop. She dressed and acted the way she liked— she is blond and pretty and partial to bright clothes and makeup, which she could never wear in public in Iran—and for a long time the Yourdkhanis felt they were safe from politics and the past.

Their son, Kevin, was bom in Toronto, in 1997, a Canadian citizen. He grew into a happy, affectionate kid, tall and sturdy with a shock of dark hair. He liked math and so­cial studies, developed asthma but dealt with it, and shared with his mom a taste for goofy comedies, such as the “Mr. Bean” movies. In December, 2005, how­ever, the Yourdkhanis learned that the . Canadian government had denied their application for political asylum, and Majid, Masomeh, and Kevin were deported to Iran

Upon their return, the Yourdkhanis say, Masomeh was imprisoned for a month, and Majid for six, and during that time he was beaten and tortured. After Majid was released, the family paid a smuggler twenty thousand dollars to procure false documents and arrange a se­ries of flights that would return them to Canada.

Then, on the last leg of the journey, the family ran into someone else’s bad luck. On February 4,2007, during a flight from Georgetown, Guyana, to Toronto, a passenger had a heart attack and died, and the plane was forced to make an unscheduled stop in Puerto Rico. American immigration officials there ascertained that the Yourdkhanis’ travel documents were fake.

The Yourdkhanis begged to be allowed to continue on to Canada, but they were told that if they wanted asylum they would have to apply for it in the United States. They did so, and, five days later, became part of one of the more peculiar, and contested, recent experiments in American immigration policy. They were locked inside a former medium-security prison in a desolate patch of rural Texas: the T. Don Hutto Residential Center.

Hutto is one of two immigrant-detention facilities in America that house families—the other is in Berks County, Pennsylvania—and is the only one owned and run by a private prison company. The detention of immigrants is the fastest-growing form of incarceration in this country, and, with the support of the Bush Administration, it is becoming a lucrative business.

At the end of 2006, some fourteen thousand people were in govern­ment custody for immigration-law violations, in a patchwork of detention arrangements, including space rented out by hundreds of local and state jails, and seven freestanding facilities run by private contractors. This number was up by seventy-nine per cent from the previous year, an increase that can be attributed, in large part, to the actions of Michael Chertoff, the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, which runs the Immigration and Customs Enforcement division.

In 2005, Chertoff announced die end of “catch-and-release”—the longstanding practice of allowing immigrants caught without legal documents to remain free inside the country while they waited for an appearance in court. Since these illegal immigrants weren’t montored in anyway, the rate of no-shows was predictably high, and me practice inflamed anti-immigrant sentiment.

Private companies began making inroads into the detention business in the nineteen-eighties, when the idea was in vogue that almost any private operation was inherently more efficient than a government one. The largest firm, Corrections Corporation of America, or C.C.A., was founded in 1983. But poor management and a series of well-publicized troubles—including riots at and escapes from prisons run by C.C.A.— dampened the initial excitement.

In the nineties, C.C.A.’s bid to take over the entire prison system of Tennessee, where the company is based, railed; state legislators had grown skeptical. By the end of 2000, C.C.A.’s stock had hit an all-time low. When immigration detention started its precipitate climb following 9/11, private prison companies eagerly offered their empty beds, and the industry was revitalized.

One complication was that hundreds of children were among the immigrant detainees. Typically, lads had been sent to shelters, which allowed them to attend school, while parents were held at closed facilities. Nobody thought that it was good policy to separate parents from children— not immigration officials, not immigrant advocates, not Congress. In 2005, a report by the House Appropriations Committee expressed concern about “reports that chil­dren apprehended by D.H.S.”—the Department of Homeland Security—“even as young as nursing infants, are being separated from their parents and placed in shelters.”

The committee also declared that children should not be placed in government custody unless their welfare was in question, and added that the Department of Homeland Security should “release families or use alternatives to detention” whenever possible. The report recommended a new alternative to detention known as the Intensive Supervision Appearance Program — which allows people awaiting disposition of their immigration cases to be released into the community, provided that they are closely tracked by means such as electronic monitoring bracelets, curfews, and regular contact with a caseworker.

The government has since established pilot programs in twelve cities, and reports that more than ninety per cent of the people enrolled in them show up for their court dates. The immgration agency could have made a priority of putting families, especially asylum seek­ers, into such programs. Instead, it chose to house families in Hutto, which is owned and run by CCA. Families wouldbe kept together, but it would mean they were incarcerated together.

[To be continued.]

Source

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28 July 2009

Si Kahn : 44 Years of Music and Social Justice

Si Kahn. Photo by Robert Corwin / Photo Arts

Activist and musician Si Kahn:
Four decades in the struggle


By Bob Libal / The Rag Blog / July 28, 2009
I read in the paper, I watched on the show
They said that it happened a long time ago
The years had gone by, I just didn’t know
Working for freedom now
The songs that we sang still ring in my ears
The hope and the glory, the pain and the fears
I just can’t believe it’s been 45 years
Working for freedom now

-- Si Kahn, Working for Freedom Now
Acclaimed organizer, author, musician, and the executive director of Grassroots Leadership, the Southern-based social justice organization where I work, Si Kahn will be retiring next year after 30 years at the helm of the organization and more than 44 years in the Southern freedom movement.

The following is from Si's retirement announcement:
May 1st, 2010 marks almost 45 years to the day since I came South to join the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the visionary student wing of the Southern Civil Rights Movement. That was the first step on a road that has led me as a civil rights, labor and community organizer and musician through the coal camps, cotton mill villages and prison towns of the South and Southwest.

That road has taken me inside such powerful times as the Brookside strike in Harlan County, Kentucky; the brown lung movement and J.P. Stevens campaign in the Carolinas; and the critical work of abolishing all for-profit private prisons, jails and detention centers, and putting an end to immigrant family detention, on which Grassroots Leadership has focused for the past 10 years.

The songs I’ve written grew out of the organizing I’ve done. The people I’ve met and worked with, their words and songs, their stories and jokes, have been the stuff out of which the songs of the last 45 years have been woven.

These people, the poor and working people of the South, Appalachia and the Southwest, have been a source of continuing inspiration to me, in my music and in my organizing. Their lives and dreams have given me strength and belief.

I hope that my songs will help people find in themselves the strength they need to keep on keeping on. But I also know music is not enough to change the world. It takes organizing, people working together to reach the goals they set for themselves.
Most recently, Grassroots Leadership has taken on a national Campaign to End Immigrant Family Detention, the policy made infamous at the T. Don Hutto detention center in Taylor, Texas. Hutto is a former medium-security prison operated by private prison corporation Corrections Corporation of America. Since opening in 2006, the facility has held immigrant children and their families from more than 40 countries and drawn international condemnation.

Si's latest song, called T. Don Hutto, can be heard at grassrootsleadership.org. It's the latest in a long line of songs of family, community, work and freedom such as “Aragon Mill,” “Gone,” “Gonna Rise Again” and “Wild Rose of the Mountain” that have been recorded by over 100 artists. Si has released 15 albums of his original songs, plus a collection of traditional labor, civil rights and women's songs with Pete Seeger and Jane Sapp.
Si Kahn to Perform in Austin

Si Kahn will be in Austin on Monday, August 3rd, performing an evening of music benefiting Grassroots Leadership's Campaign to End Immigrant Family Detention at MonkeyWrench Books, 110 E. North Loop, 78751. Email blibal@grassrootsleadership.org or call (512) 971-0487 for more details. A $7-$10 suggested donation will be collected at the door, though no one will be turned away for lack of funds.
The Rag Blog

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10 December 2007

The Rag Continues to Change the World -- a Little !

Seeking Asylum: Law faculty, students at Immigration Clinic work to free detained families at controversial facility

Amid the idyllic Americana setting in a small Texas town is a place where young children lived surrounded by razor wire fence with the threat of separation from their parents. They and their families—none of whom were charged with crimes—had been kept in prison cells with limited access to medical care, education and even food. You likely wouldn’t have found the typical colorful drawings found in most homes with children, because they weren’t allowed to have even paper and crayons in their cells.

While Taylor, Texas, advertises itself as a “a vibrant, growing community of…friendly people living the good life,” something it doesn’t promote is the T. Don Hutto Family Residential Facility, a former medium security prison that now is a detention center for immigrant families, including children, awaiting decisions about asylum in the U.S. or other immigration-related issues.

When Barbara Hines, director of the School of Law’s Immigration Clinic, first visited the facility in fall 2006, she discovered life has been anything but idyllic for the children detained there. The facility was surrounded by fences topped with razor wire. No direct sunlight entered the building. During detentions that lasted as long as a year, the children were kept in cells at least 12 hours a day, required to wear prison uniforms, given 20 minutes to eat their meals (with no additional nutrition available beyond what was served at mealtimes), and provided about one hour a day of education.

Hines, who has worked on immigration law issues for three decades, said she was stunned by the conditions she encountered at Hutto, run by Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), a for-profit company. CCA is the fifth-largest operator of corrections facilities in the nation—behind only the federal government’s prison system and those of three states.

“I have seen a lot in many years of doing immigration law that disturbed me,” she said, “but this is the most disturbed I’ve been about any immigration policy in a really long time. I just couldn’t believe that there were children in prison uniforms behind barbed wire. Imprisoning families who have fled their home countries under fear of persecution from their own governments, and detaining them in jail-like conditions, was an indescribable trauma for many of the children.”

Elise Harriger, a third-year law student in the Immigration Clinic who also visited Hutto to work on cases there, was similarly distressed by what she saw.

“It was a prison, plain and simple. Children wore prison uniforms and lived in cells with narrow slits for windows. I had to keep reminding myself that I really was in the United States. It seemed so terribly wrong,” Harriger recalled.

According to advocates, there was little or no privacy in bathrooms or showers at Hutto. Many of the children said that they were threatened with being separated from their parents if they did not respond immediately to the orders of their uniformed guards. There was no pediatrician onsite, and many children’s medical conditions worsened while they were in custody. Advocates say the children had almost no toys or age-appropriate books and were not allowed to keep writing implements and paper in their cells. In many cases, the children’s mental health deteriorated substantially.
None of the detainees was charged with crimes, and none had violent histories. Among them were families from Lithuania, Romania, Iraq, Somalia and several Latin American countries.

Calls for assistance

The Hutto facility opened in May 2006. Frances Valdez, a 2005 Law School graduate, who was then the clinic’s Clinical Fellow, began receiving calls for assistance in August. Because the detainees have no right to a publicly funded lawyer, the clinic fields many such requests—it is one of very few organizations with expertise in this area that provides free legal services.

“The first call I got was from a frantic Nicaraguan woman in the Valley saying her daughter and her daughter’s baby were being held at a prison in Taylor,” Valdez recalled. “That was when we first learned families were being detained at Hutto.”

As clinic students began meeting with Hutto detainees to help them with their asylum claims and other cases, Valdez also worked to raise public awareness of those detainees’ circumstances. At an Austin meeting convened by the national organization Detention Watch Network to discuss general detention issues, she asked those in attendance to focus on Hutto, and the group Texans United for Families was formed as a result. In December 2006, Valdez and others organized a vigil at Hutto, and that event ignited media attention.

“Suddenly we were receiving calls from everywhere,” Valdez said, “not just Texas media but national media, too.”

With 12 students, the Immigration Clinic could handle only a relatively small number of cases for individual Hutto detainees.

“We were overwhelmed,” Hines said. “We realized that we were going to need more help.”

Other organizations providing individual services, such as the American Civil Liberties Union, were also finding their resources barely sufficient to meet the needs of individuals there.

The litigation

In March of this year, the Immigration Clinic, along with the American Civil Liberties Union and the international law firm LeBoeuf, Lamb, Greene & MacRae, filed lawsuits on behalf of 26 children detained at Hutto against Michael Chertoff, secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and six officials from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The lawsuits charged that the children were being imprisoned under inhumane conditions, and in contravention of a 1997 federal settlement agreement, Flores v. Meese, that requires immigration authorities to house children in the least restrictive conditions possible and to meet certain basic standards in their care and treatment. All 12 students from the Immigration Clinic participated in developing the case.

In an April ruling consolidating the 26 cases into one trial, the District Court Judge hearing the case—1963 Law School graduate Sam Sparks—warned the defendants that they faced an uphill struggle to justify their actions, writing: “The Court finds it inexplicable that defendants have spent untold amounts of time, effort, and taxpayer dollars to establish the Hutto family detention program, knowing all the while that Flores is still in effect.”

In an apparent response to the suit, ICE accelerated the process of issuing bonds for asylum seekers who passed interviews regarding their credible fear of harm or repression if they returned to their native countries. Those bonds freed some of the detainees and their children from the facility.

Other changes also began taking place at Hutto after the suit was filed, changes that former clinic student Elizabeth Wagoner, a 2007 Law School graduate, described as nearly farcical.

“It would have been funny if it weren’t so tragic,” Wagoner recounted. “For example, they painted a big mural on one wall, with castles and happy dragons and blue skies and puffy clouds, and it said Bienvenidos a Hutto—Welcome to Hutto—as though this would bring some sort of pleasure to children who were, in my view, being cruelly mistreated and many of whose parents were experiencing serious distress as a result of their penal confinement and the confinement of their children.”

The settlement

As the trial was about to begin in August, a settlement was reached. All 26 of the plaintiff children had been released before the trial date—six of them just days earlier. They are still in the U.S., now living with family members who are U.S. citizens and/or legal permanent residents while their asylum claims are being pursued.

The defendants agreed to ensure that living conditions at Hutto—where, as of the writing of this article, about 200 people are still detained—met appropriate standards. U.S. Magistrate Judge Andrew Austin, a 1985 Law School graduate, was assigned to monitor those conditions, pursuant to a 127-item checklist included in the settlement.

“In my opinion, Hutto should be shut down,” Valdez said. “But at least now the children can wear regular clothes instead of prison uniforms, they can go outside, and there are no more clanging iron cellblock gates.”

Hines and her students still provide legal services to individuals detained at Hutto. Even with the settlement in place and changes beginning to occur, Hines said that it is still very difficult to go there and see families held in such confinement.
“The conditions at Hutto are not just distressing,” she said. “They are fundamentally in conflict with what Congress intended as a proper way to deal with detained families.”

The policy

Before 2001, apprehended immigrant families (a category that includes asylum seekers, who are placed under arrest and considered to be in the U.S. illegally until their status is determined) typically were released with an assigned date to appear in court. After 2001, in an environment that placed heightened emphasis on security, government policy called for the detention of more apprehended immigrants, including those accompanied by children, to provide a greater likelihood that they would appear for their court dates.

The first facility to house detained immigrant families was established in a former nursing home in Berks County, Pa., in 2001. With about 84 beds, it is run by the county. The much larger Hutto is the only other facility used to detain families.

In a joint report published earlier this year, the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service and the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, while declaring “the system of family detention is overwhelmingly inappropriate for families,” observed that children at the Berks County institution were generally treated more humanely than those held at Hutto.

The House committee overseeing the budget for the Department of Homeland Security has regularly described detention of families as a last resort. In 2005 it wrote: “The Committee expects DHS to release families or use alternatives to detention such as the Intensive Supervised [sic] Appearance Program whenever possible. When detention of family units is necessary, the committee directs DHS to use appropriate detention space to house them together.” In the Intensive Supervision Appearance Program, under way in nine American cities, immigrants are generally equipped with electronic bracelets and supervised by caseworkers to ensure compliance with the terms of their release.

In 2006 the committee reiterated its expectation that “if detention is necessary,” DHS should “house these families together in non-penal, homelike environments until the conclusion of their immigration proceedings.”

Hines and her students take pride in the services they provide to individual Hutto detainees, and in their substantial part in obtaining the settlement that is changing the conditions of detention there. But many feel strongly that detention of families is an inappropriate policy and that even if detention must be used, the Hutto facility is the wrong place to do it.

“I learned some important lessons about the law through this experience,” said Wagoner, in words that are echoed by the other clinic students. “First, I got to see how a great practitioner like Professor Hines can make the law work quickly to address a big problem. And second, we all saw that there are larger matters of policy that can only be addressed through advocacy and activism beyond litigation. I know that for me, and I think for all of us, those are lessons that will make us better and more effective attorneys no matter what kind of legal practice we pursue in the long run.”


Source, including photos and additional information.

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16 July 2007

Announcements

July 22, 2007 at 03:00 PM

Aziz Shihab: Does the Land Remember Me
Biography

Barnes & Noble Booksellers

Arboretum
10000 Research Blvd #158
Austin, TX 78759
512-418-8985

In the Arboretum Shopping Center, at the Southwest Corner of 183 and Great Hills Trail.

Description:

Summoned by his dying mother, Palestinian-born Aziz Shihab returns to the homeland he and his family fled as refugees decades earlier: to a Palestine reclaimed by Israelis and to a country no longer that of his youth in a nation whose estate has been challenged by history. This gripping book chronicles that month-long journey.

Part memoir, part travelogue, it reveals the complexities of leaving behind such the past and coming to grips with its abandonment. With his sharp ear for dialogue and with a journalist's eye, Shihab records and considers, sometimes with fond humor, the Palestinian psyche. Family meetings brim with soothing time-honored ritual and cultural blindness. Pungent street anecdotes resonate with profound themes like human rights, land dislocation, and poverty. Shihab's stories of departure and return, loss of land and reconnection provide enriching insights into the depth and intricacy of Palestinian culture and history and its legacy of displacement.

Aziz Shihab is known for his independent newspaper, The Arab Star. He has written about the Middle East for The Dallas Morning News and The San Antonio Express-News.

http://www.syracuseuniversitypress.syr.edu/spring-2007/does-the-land.html


Protest of Corrections Corporation of America and T. Don Hutto Detention Center
Friday, July 20th, noon - 1 pm
8015 Shoal Creek Blvd., Austin, Texas

Austin residents will gather at Corrections Corporation of America's 8015 Shoal Creek Blvd. office to protest for-profit incarceration. CCA is the world's largest and most notorious private prison corporation, operating more than a dozen prisons and immigrant detention centers in Texas alone.

Demonstrators will protest CCA's profiting from immigrant detention expansion around Texas, including the T. Don Hutto detention center in Taylor which holds migrant families and asylum seekers, about half of whom are children.

Contact Rebecca at rebecca415@gmail.com or (415) 902-2794 for more information.

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30 July 2008

Prisons : Why Texas Still Holds 'Em


Forget oil and gold. In the Lone Star state, the boomtown business is locking up immigrants.
By Stephanie Mencimer

This article appears in the July/August issue of Mother Jones.
In 1997, with the private prison business booming, the Corrections Corporation of America picked a 64-acre plot near Austin, Texas, for its newest lockup. A medium-security prison, it was named after the company's cofounder and designed for some 500 federal inmates. But the anticipated stream of prisoners never arrived: By the time the T. Don Hutto Correctional Center opened, a glut of private prison beds, along with cca's own poor track record, had left the company nearly bankrupt. Its stock, which once traded at around $45 a share, bottomed out at 18 cents. Several of its facilities were shuttered or sat empty for years, including the Hutto prison, which cca moved to close in 2004.

But Hutto, like cca itself, has risen from the ashes thanks to a sudden source of new business: the Bush administration's crackdown on immigrants. Historically, Mexicans caught illegally entering the country have been dumped back across the border, while immigrants and asylum seekers from other countries were processed and released to await their court dates. (Only those with criminal records were detained.) Most of those released, though, failed to appear for court hearings and removal proceedings, and the government didn't have the resources to go looking for them. So in 2006, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ice) agency ended its traditional "catch and release" policy and instead started incarcerating non-Mexican immigrants—anyone from a Salvadoran migrant to an Iraqi family seeking political asylum—pending their deportation or asylum hearings. Over the two years since, the agency has increased its use of detention facilities by more than half; it now holds some 30,000 people on any given day.

In this new population—and in ice's $1 billion-plus detention budget—cca saw opportunity. In 2004, when Congress passed legislation authorizing ice to triple the number of immigrant detention beds, cca's lobbying expenditures reached $3 million; since then, it has spent an additional $7 million on lobbyists. Among them was Philip Perry, Vice President Dick Cheney's son-in-law, who later became general counsel at the Department of Homeland Security, ice's parent organization, which has awarded cca millions in contracts; one of them, in 2006, allowed the company to reopen the old Hutto prison, now christened a "residential facility" housing immigrant families, including small children.

CCA isn't the only firm lining up for ice contracts: There's so much money to be made warehousing immigrants that in 2006, Cornell Companies, a private prison firm, sent the state of Oklahoma an eviction notice for more than 800 state inmates housed in its facility in Hinton. The company was negotiating with ice to take in immigrants for more than the roughly $45 per diem that Oklahoma paid.

State and local governments are also getting in on the action. In 2006, Willacy County, Texas, floated millions in bonds and, in 90 days, built a tent city for immigrants that it leases to ice for $78 a day per detainee. (A room at the local Best Western Executive Inn costs $65.) Run by the Utah-based Management and Training Corporation, a private prison management company, the camp houses up to 2,000 immigrants in a razor-wire-ringed compound holding 10 Kevlar tents of the sort used by troops in Iraq. Detainees have reported problems with heat and air conditioning, as well as maggot-infested food. The county has since approved another $50 million to add space for 1,000 more detainees.

Elsewhere, detention centers have been sued for providing inadequate health care, food services, and education. The aclu of Texas recently settled a lawsuit with ice over the conditions at Hutto for 26 children ages 1 to 17. According to the aclu, they were kept in cells 11 or 12 hours a day, forced to wear prison garb, fed "unrecognizable substances, mostly starches," and denied toys, bathroom privacy, and access to medical care.

According to the Washington Post, more than 80 people have died in ice detention, in many cases because of poor health care. The most famous case is that of Francisco Castaneda, a Salvadoran detained in San Diego for eight months. The government denied his request for a penile biopsy while in detention, arguing that it was an "elective outpatient procedure." He was eventually found to have cancer. His penis was amputated, but the malignancy spread, and he died last year.

On average, ice pays $95 a day per immigrant that it detains, yet research indicates that other, far cheaper, methods can work almost as well in making sure immigrants show up in court. Back in the late 1990s, the agency asked the nonprofit Vera Institute of Justice to run a pilot project under which people facing deportation got intensive supervision and connections to social service agencies. More than 90 percent appeared for their hearings—partly, the institute said, thanks to better information about the process. Intensive supervision costs an average of $14 per detainee per day, according to congressional testimony by Julie Myers, assistant secretary of Homeland Security. Yet in fiscal 2007, ice spent only about $44 million on alternative programs, compared with roughly $1.2 billion on detention—and legislation sponsored last year by representatives Heath Schuler (D-N.C.) and Tom Tancredo (R-Colo.) in the House would authorize the agency to develop another 8,000 detention beds, which must be provided by private contractors such as cca "whenever possible."

CCA, meanwhile, is contributing to the detention boom in its own small way: Last year, after inspecting the Hutto center's personnel records, ice officials arrested 10 workers—illegal immigrants themselves.

Source / Mother Jones

The Rag Blog

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03 March 2008

The Lost Children of Hutto



In its March 3, 2008 issue, The New Yorker magazine has a major feature story on the T. Don Hutto detention center in Taylor, Texas – one of two facilities in the country used to detain immigrant families. Hutto has been the focus of a major concerted effort to bring national attention to the nature of the Hutto prison, to conditions at the facility and to bring a legal challenge against Hutto.

Barbara Hines and students in her immigration law clinic at the University of Texas at Austin have played a primary role in these efforts. Professor Hines, a noted immigration attorney, also worked in the seventies with The Rag, Austin’s influential underground newspaper whose spirit lives in The Rag Blog.

This feature, titled "The Lost Children" is now accessible on line." For the first installment, go
here.

Thorne Dreyer / The Rag Blog

Leave No Child Behind Bars
by Margaret Talbot

Part Two

When the Yourdkhanis were sent to Hutto last winter, the facility had been open for nine months, but few Americans knew of its existence. Hutto is in Taylor, Texas, a town of seventeen thousand, forty miles northeast of Austin, with a lot of boarded-up businesses on its main streets. A National Guard recruiting station is on the eastern side of town; a place that offers concealed-weapons train­ing is at die opposite end. Hutto has more than five hundred beds, though the pop­ulation fluctuates, and the facility appears never to have been at full capacity, about half the detainees are children.

At the time the Yourdkhanis got there, many of the four hundred or so detainees were from Latin-American countries (these did not include Mexico, because Mexi­cans caught without documents are auto­matically sent home), and some of those were people who had come to the United States for economic reasons; that is, they were the kind of undocumented immi­grants that most people probably think of when they hear of immigrants being rounded up somewhere in Texas. But a substantial number of the families were asylum seekers—people from Iraq, Soma­lia, Iran, Romania.

Like the Yourdkhanis, they were people who said that they had been persecuted in their home countries, and many of them had passed the first test for achieving asylum in the United States—a so-called “credible fear” inter­view. None had criminal records.

The Yourdkhanis, upon arriving at Hutto, saw a white concrete complex with slit-shaped windows, surrounded by dou­ble fencing topped by rolls of razor wire. A shadeless exercise yard was ringed by floodlights. Across the street was a rail­road track where freight trains frequentiy idled, cutting off the facility from the rest of Taylor. Families were placed in former inmate cells. Each cell had a twin bed or a bunk bed with a thin mattress, a small metal or porcelain sink, and an exposed’ toilet. Generally, mothers and very young children stayed together in one cell, fa­thers in a separate cell, and older chil­dren in another. Husbands and wives were not allowed to visit each other s cells.

Masomeh told me, “For three days, Majid had a fever, and I wasn’t allowed to go to in and ask, ‘How are you?’” The cell doors were metal, arid each had a window two inches wide; the floor and walls were bare, except for a shatterproof acrylic mirror. Doors were to remain open during the day, but they were wired with laser-detec­tion alarms that were triggered when any­one came or went at night. A 2007 report by two advocacy groups—the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service and the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children—noted that if a child sleeping in a separate cell woke up at night and went looking for his parents the alarm would sound, and only CCA staff members were allowed to respond.

The guards at Hutto conducted as many as seven head counts a day, during which all detainees, even toddlers, were supposed to remain in place, usually by their beds, for as long as it took to com­plete the count. In practice, this meant that detainees might be in their cells twelve hours a day. (When head counts were not taking place, detainees could assemble in the common area within their “pod” of cells, where there were couches and two televisions.)

Last March, an immigration lawyer named Griselda Ponce testified before the U.S. District Court in Austin about conditions at Hutto, and told of an occasion when the five- or six-year-old daughter of a woman she was interview­ing had to go to the rest room. The cap­tain on duty told the girl that she could not do so during a head count. Ponce said that the girl made “six or seven requests,” and was rebuffed each time; after about fifteen minutes, the girl “smelled of urine.”

No contact visits were allowed at Hutto—relatives had to sit behind Plexi-glas partitions and talk through phones in the old prison visiting room. In any case, few relatives visited, since Hutto was so far from where most of them lived. Deka Warsame, a Somali woman, was de­tained at Hutto for four months, along with her three children. Her mother and a sister lived in Columbus, Ohio, but she told her lawyer that, even if her family could have come to Texas, she would have been ashamed to have them see her looking like a criminal, “trapped behind Plexiglas.”

If detainees had an attorney, as Warsame did, the attorney could talk to them without a partition. During such conferences, children were required to stay by their parents’ side. The governing idea of Hutto was that detainees would constantly supervise their children—as a result, it wasn’t deemed a child-care facil­ity, and required no relevant licensing. But this also meant that children had to be in the same room even when, say, their parents recounted stories of torture, rape, or domestic abuse. Barbara Hines, a law professor who runs an immigration clinic at the University of Texas, in Austin, and who was one of the first legal representa­tives to see detainees at Hutto, began bringing crayons and markers with her, hoping to distract the kids.

Children were regularly woken up at night by guards shining lights into their cells. They were roused each morning at five-thirty. Kids were not allowed to have stuffed animals, crayons, pencils, or pens in their cells. And they were not allowed to take the pictures they had made back to their cells and hang them up.

When Hutto opened as an immigration-deten­tion center, children attended school there only one hour a day. Detainees, including children, wore green or blue prison-issue scrubs. In November, 2006, Krista Greg­ory, who lives in. Austin and works with church groups there, got a call from a cou­ple of Hutto employees who, she says, were unhappy about the lack of supplies for child detainees. Gregory arranged for local churches to donate toys, baby blan­kets, and Bibles.

Staff members, who wore police-type uniforms, were mostly people who had backgrounds in corrections rather than in child welfare. Detainees said that when parents or children broke rules guards threatened them with separation from their children. Kevin Yourdkhani, at the prompting of one of Hines’s law students, wrote a brief description of one such occa­sion. “I was in my bed and my dad came to fix my bed,” he wrote. “When the police came and saw my dad in the room, he said, 'If He comes and see my dad again in my room His going to put my mom in a seperate jail and my dad in a separate jail and me a foster lad.’ I cried and cried so much that I lost my energy. I went to sleep. I felt If I will be seprated I can never see my parents again, and I will get stepparents and they will hurt me or maybe they will kill me.”

Michelle Brane, an advocate with the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, managed to get a tour of Hutto in December, 2006. De­scribing the facility as “an incredibly puni­tive-feeling place,” she said, “People there told us that children were being punished for normal kid stuff—running around, making noise, tantrums. I have a two- and four-year-old at home, and I kept think­ing, How would I manage in here keep­ing them under control? The shocking thing is that the people running it didn’t realize any of that. I think they thought it was a great place.”

Majid Yourdkhani told me that he and his wife felt as though they had “disap­peared into a black hole. We’d ask the officers, What’s our future here? What’s going to happen to us? What do we need to do?’ We’d ask, and nobody could tell us.”

That feeling of having disappeared wasn’t entirely irrational. Getting infor­mation about Hutto—especially from the people who run it—is hard. Private prison companies are not subject to the same legal requirements as public prisons to provide incident reports on assaults, es­capes, deaths, or rapes. It’s true that a com­pany’s contract stipulates that it must re­port such incidents to the government agency for which it is a vender, and people seeking information about what goes on inside a private prison can submit a Free­dom of Information Act request to the government agency.

But this can he an ex­ercise in frustration, as Judith Greene, a researcher who is a critic of private prisons, found out. Several years ago, she and a col­league, Joshua Miller, were doing research on a new prison in California City, Cali­fornia, that was to be operated by CCA. for the federal Bureau of Prisons. Accord­ing to Greene, before awarding the con­tract the bureau had signalled that the government would not delegate to a pri­vate company the legal authority to use force against inmates. Greene and Miller wondered how this would work in prac­tice. In a Freedom of Information Act re­quest, Greene asked For documents that might shed light on this question.

Even­tually, she recalls, she heard from the Bu­reau of Prisons that it was prepared to give her the information but had to get permis­sion from CCA; a second letter in­formed her that CCA had said no, claiming that the information she sought about the use of force was a business se­cret. Greene told me, “Prisons in general are to a great extent secretive, isolated places, but if you’re dealing with private prisons you’ve got an additional layer to penetrate in order to find out essential facts and figures. And government agen­cies seem to give a lot of the decision­making to the private companies when it comes to what to reveal.” A bill now pend­ing in Congress would, for the first time, make private prisons as accountable about their daily operations as public ones.

For the rest of the story, go here.

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07 March 2008

March for the Women -- And the Children

International Women's Day March on Hutto Detention Center in Taylor Texas.

There will be a rally on Hutto Saturday, March 8, as part of International Women's Day activities at T. Don Hutto.

The peace walk will begin at 3:30 p.m., Saturday at the Heritage Park in downtown Taylor (directions below) and end across the street from the prison, about 1.25 miles away.

Please assemble at Heritage Park at 3:00 p.m. We will rally peacefully across the street at the Hutto prison until just after sunset, when we will have a short candlelight vigil and prayer ceremony. Activists from other groups who staged several protests at the Hutto prison will be joining us. We are all committed to a non-violent peace walk and rally. Please watch the documentary America's Family Prison, then write a poem, draw a picture, or make a statement, put it on a posterboard with marker, and meet us there.

We'll have water to stay hydrated and snacks. Bring an umbrella in case of rain. As friends, and as women, mothers, and girls, let's join together and make a stand against this injustice inflicted on women and children by our government. What better way to spend International Women's Day? Men and boys and their poems are welcome, too!

Free the Children Coalition, an ad hoc grass roots organization, as well as other local activists, will be present. Free the Families with Children behind the walls of Hutto prison. Yours in sisterhood, Adrienne Evans, Terlingua, Texas, 915- 276-0402 (cell), 432- 371-2725 (home).

DIRECTIONS TO PEACE WALK: Take I-35 N toward Waco. From Downtown Austin, about 17 miles. Take Exit 253, go right on US-79 N, go 15.4 miles into the center of Taylor. Heritage Park is on Main & 4th. The Walk is about 1.25 mile in distance straight down Main Street, which converts into I-95. Take a right on Walnut (Martin Luther King Memorial Way) then a right again onto Welch, and you will be in front of T. D. Hutto Residential Center. The street address is 1001 Welch, Taylor, Texas.

Adrienne Evans / The Rag Blog

To read all about the Hutto Family Detention and the efforts to close it on The Rag Blog, go here.

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11 December 2007

Hutto - Guilty of Child Abuse

Advocates file complaint over detained immigrant child
By ANABELLE GARAY, Associated Press

8-year-old girl was separated from her mother for four days in detention facility meant to keep families together

DALLAS — Immigrant advocates have filed complaints over an 8-year-old girl who was separated from her pregnant mother by immigration authorities and left without her for four days at a detention center established to hold families together.

Attorneys with the Immigration Clinic at the University of Texas School of Law sent a complaint on Monday to the Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties at the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees detention of immigrants. They also made a complaint to the Texas Department of Protective Services on Nov. 29, said Barbara Hines, a law professor who helps oversee the clinic.

After being caught in South Texas in August, the child and her mother were sent to the T. Don Hutto Family Residential Facility, a former Central Texas prison where noncriminal immigrant families are held while their cases are processed. They were awaiting a decision on a bid for asylum, which they eventually lost.

When agents attempted to deport the woman in October, she wouldn't comply. As a result, she was considered a high risk for disruptive behavior and moved to a South Texas detention center in Pearsall on Oct. 18., according to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Guards and ICE staff watched over the child for four days and the pair were reunited when they were deported, ICE spokesman Carl Rusnok said.

ICE officials have previously said detaining families at the facility is meant to help "children remain with parents, their best caregivers" while they are processed for deportation. They also told the Texas Department of Family and Protective Services that parents would be at the facility with their children and would be responsible for their care, so state regulation wasn't needed.

But if the state's child care licensing division receives a complaint indicating child care is being provided, it could investigate, said Patrick Crimmins, a spokesman for the Department of Family and Protective Services.

As of Monday afternoon, the child care licensing division had received no complaints about the facility. Complaints made to Child Protective Services about a child being abused or neglected are confidential by state law, so officials could not say if one was received or not, Crimmins said.

The Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties at DHS is charged with reviewing and assessing complaints. If deemed appropriate, some complaints may be forwarded to other divisions of DHS or other government agencies.


Source

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