28 October 2009

FILM / William Kunstler : Disturbing the Universe


William Kunstler: Disturbing the Universe...

Remarkable film tells story of
Famed civil rights attorney


By Alice Embree / The Rag Blog / October 28, 2009

William Kunstler: Disturbing the Universe, a film by Emily Kunstler and Sarah Kunstler, premiered as part of the Austin Film Festival Wednesday, Ocober 27. The film, which was also selected for the 2009 Sundance Film Festival, has it's public premiere in New York, November 13-15.

The ninety-minute documentary is the story of a larger than life attorney -- a man who left his Westchester suburban home, his wife and his children for a journey to the south of Jim Crow and lunch-counter sit-ins. He never returned to the comfortable suburbs.

Along with Leonard Weinglass, Kunstler was defense counsel for the Chicago Seven conspiracy trial. The eighth defendant, Bobby Seale, was bound and gagged in the courtroom for demanding to speak in his own defense. Kunstler was sentenced to 40 months for contempt by Judge Julius Hoffman. Out on bail and fighting appellate battles, he waded into negotiations at the Attica Prison uprising.

He stood outside the gates listening to the gunshots as 31 inmates and nine guards were killed by police fire. He was counsel for the Catonsville Nine, Catholics who burned draft records with homemade napalm. He traveled to Wounded Knee to defend the American Indian Movement.

These legendary legal battles are documented with remarkable footage and interviews with many of the principals, including Bobby Seale, Tom Hayden, Nancy Kurshan, Dennis Banks, an Attica guard and many of Kunstler’s colleagues. But, it is the tender family scenes with his second wife and young daughters (the filmmakers) that add depth and subtlety to this portrait.

As young girls, Emily and Sarah Kunstler were raised to admire their legendary father. But Kunstler’s later years took him into high profile criminal defense of clients accused of gang rape, cop killing and the assassination of a Jewish Defense League leader. These cases brought angry protests to the daughters’ front door. In many ways the film is the effort to reconcile the legend with the man, the lawyer with the father, the civil rights defender with the attorney for murderers.

This is a film about the uprising of the 60s and 70s told from the perspective of a generation that had to live with a larger than life luminary of those times.

Members and friends of the 12th Street Law Collective in Austin held a reunion Oct. 4, 2009. On sofa, left to right, are Jim Simons, Brady Coleman and Cam Cunningham. On chair to their right is Bobby Nelson. John Howard is deceased. Photo by Alan Pogue / The Rag blog.

The film underscores the critical role that attorneys played in the uprisings of those times. On October 4th in Austin, there was a reunion for a law office that took on its local share of 60's and 70's defendants. The 12th Street Law Collective principals were Jim Simons, Cam Cunningham, Brady Coleman, Bobby Nelson and John Howard.

Jim was a co-counsel at the Wounded Knee takeover and defender of GI antiwar activists in Killeen. Cam and Brady defended the Gainesville Eight, Vietnam Veterans Against the War accused of conspiracy. Bobby blazed legal trails for women barred from employment as bus drivers, emergency medical technicians, and telephone cable splicers. She took UT to court for sex discrimination and was an early defender of the rights of gays and lesbians.

Those of us who were clients during those years owe a deep debt of gratitude to the attorneys. Their legal fees were often cobbled together through benefits or not at all. Like Kunstler, they used their skills and gave their hearts for the cause.

[Alice Embree, a long-time Austin political activist and writer, was a leader in the Sixties New Left and women's liberation movements and was a founder of Austin's The Rag and New York's Rat, trailblazers in the Sixties underground press.]

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27 October 2009

VERSE / Larry Piltz : In the Opt-Out States of America

Big digeridoo. Photo from Pihkva.com.


I pledge new legions to The Hague
and fresh new lesions to The Plague
for medicines to moan and beg
as Corporatocracy humps my leg
in the Opt-Out States of America
Re the Public Option's widget plans
for bleeding gums and swollen glands
with doctors singing oh yes we can
accompanied by Big Insurance plans
but not in the Opt-Out States of America

yet one new option that arises
fills with joy and great surprises
finally the notion's granted
militarism's been supplanted
if war's not what my state's about
my state can simply opt right out
in the Opt-Out States of America
with Quakers singing oh yes we do
accompanied by a big didgeridoo
yes in the Opt-Out States of America

In the Opt-Out States of America


Larry Piltz / The Rag Blog

Indian Cove
Austin, Texas
October 26, 2009
2:45 p.m. CST

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FILM / Michael Moore : Anti-Capitalism Goes Mainstream


Capitalism: A love Story...

Michael Moore's new film names the system
And presents a radical democratic critique


By Alex Knight / The Rag Blog / October 27, 2009

Capitalism: A Love Story, which opened in 962 theaters earlier this month, is Michael Moore's most ambitious work yet -- taking aim at the root cause behind the injustices he's exposed in his other films over the last 20 years.

This time capitalism itself is the culprit to be maligned in Moore's trademark docu-tragi-comic style. And by using the platform of a major motion picture to make a direct assault at the root of the problem, Moore has created space in the political mainstream for a radical conversation (radical meaning "going to the root").

It's a conversation that is desperately needed as the economic crisis continues to devastate low- and middle-income Americans in spite of President Obama's and Congress' efforts to stop the bleeding by throwing trillions of dollars at the banks.

Recently, Democracy Now! reported that while the Dow Jones topped 10,000 for the first time in a year, foreclosures have reached a record level of 940,000 in the third quarter. But with this film airing in major chain cinemas across the nation, the normally taboo topics of how wealth is divided, who owns Congress, and how vital economic decisions are made are now open for discussion in a way they haven't been in the U.S. for decades.

In Capitalism, Michael Moore features the reality of the economic crisis for America's usually-invisible poor and working class. The movie begins with a family filming their eviction from their own home. In a terrifying scene, we watch from inside their living room window as seven police cars roll up to throw the ill-fated family onto the street for failing to make their payments.

Moore explained in an interview, "You see [a foreclosure] really for the first time from the point of view of the person being thrown out of the house." This same bottom-up viewpoint carries the audience through the rest of the film, from the stories of kids in Pennsylvania sent to private detention centers for minor offenses by judges who received kickbacks from the prison company, to airline pilots whose wages are so low they have to go on food stamps.

By grounding the viewers in the human costs of out-of-control capitalism, Moore finds firm footing for launching his attacks on the Wall Street firms that he believes are responsible for this crisis. As the film points out, the richest one percent of Americans now control more wealth than the bottom 95%, a sorry state of affairs that has grown steadily worse since the 1980s. Ronald Reagan, Alan Greenspan, and his two buddies Larry Summers and Robert Rubin are implicated in Capitalism as responsible parties behind the gutting of regulations and the deliverance of the federal government into the hands of the bankers.

Michael Moore's conversations with congressmen and women about the $700 billion bank bailout passed last October best illustrate this transfer of sovereignty. The congresspeople are remarkably candid in their dismay at what was essentially a blank check to Goldman Sachs, Bank of America and Citigroup.

Representative Baron Hill from Indiana recounts that the bailout bill was pushed through Congress in a similar manner as the Iraq War authorization, under threat of catastrophe and terror. Marcy Kaptur, congresswoman from Ohio, however, does one better. "This was almost like an intelligence operation," she laments. And when Moore asks her if the bailout represents a "financial coup d'etat" by the bankers, she responds, "I could agree with that. Because the people here [pointing to the Capitol] really aren't in charge. Wall Street is in charge."

We also witness Kaptur's courageous honesty on the floor of the House, urging Americans to resist foreclosure by remaining in their homes. Detroit sheriff Warren Evans stands out as another hero in the film when he announces he will cease foreclosure evictions in his jurisdiction because of the damage to the community caused by making more houses vacant and more families homeless. Moore also features grassroots organization Take Back the Land, which has dramatically responded to the crisis by moving evicted families back into their homes in the Miami area.

Regular folks fighting back against a system that is depriving them of income, housing, health care and other basic needs is inspiring stuff to watch, and it's not something we're used to seeing up on the big screen. Capitalism displays this grassroots defiance surprisingly well by humanizing those on the bottom of the pyramid.

One man whose farm is foreclosed on angrily warns, "There's got to be some kind of rebellion between people who've got nothing and people who've got it all." His words are buttressed by a behind-the-scenes look at Republic Windows & Doors, where laid-off workers occupied their Chicago factory and refused to leave until receiving their promised severance pay. For Moore this represents the kind of direct action that everyday people must now begin to take to protect themselves from having to pay for the misdeeds of the wealthiest one percent.

This call to action is well taken. However, one piece lacking in the film's analysis of capitalism is how the system of economic power interlocks with other structures of oppression, for example U.S. imperialism, patriarchy and white supremacy. Capitalism affects different people in extremely different ways, and while some fear losing their jobs, others fear imprisonment, rape, or even being hit by a drone attack. But Michael Moore seems to avoid a conversation about racism, sexism and homophobia in order to appeal to a mythical homogeneous American working class.

And besides a brief comparison to Rome, the movie also shies away from discussing the U.S. role in the world and how a militaristic foreign policy serves the interests of corporate and financial elites -- even though opposition to the wars in Afghanistan/Pakistan and Iraq have never been greater.

Another weakness is how Moore handles Barack Obama with kid gloves. Even while his economic advisers are skewered in the film, President Obama's role in the bank bailouts is downplayed, and he comes out looking like a champion of the people, or at least a potential champion. In this respect Michael Moore bestows honors like the Nobel Committee, not so much for what the president has done, but for the "hope" of what he might do.

So what does Michael Moore propose as an alternative to capitalism? Not socialism, but a kind of economic democracy -- an opportunity for average folks to have a say in how their money is used, from the workplace on up to the government. Moore takes us inside co-ops in America where workers vote on decisions about finances democratically, and where salaries are equal and adequate for everyone in the company. In one factory, assembly line workers and the CEO each make about $60,000.

To reinforce his economic prescription, Moore even dug through archives to recover lost footage of FDR's long-forgotten proposal for a "Second Bill of Rights," which called for guaranteeing meaningful work and a living wage, decent housing, adequate medical care, and a good education for every American.

It is striking how such common-sense ideas in our current political climate appear dangerously radical, even coming from the lips of a U.S. president. It seems the overriding purpose of Capitalism: A Love Story is to flip these expectations on their heads. For Michael Moore, guaranteeing basic economic security is as American as apple pie; what is radical is a system that would deny such prosperity to bolster the wealth of a tiny few.

If there is to be any solution to the economic crisis that doesn't involve millions more people being thrown out of their homes or dropped from their health care, it will have to involve a sharp break from a system that values private profits higher than meeting people's basic needs.

To this end, Michael Moore has done a great public service by making a film that is essentially an invitation for views outside the bounds of established mainstream discourse to propose what might be done about the economic quagmire we now find ourselves in. It is time for an American Left to come out of the wilderness and speak out with proposals for better ways of organizing our economy. I see no reason to be any less bold than President Roosevelt was 65 years ago.

Here is an excerpt from President Roosevelt's 1944 "Second Bill of Rights" speech:

We cannot be content, no matter how high that general standard of living may be, if some fraction of our people -- whether it be one-third or one-fifth or one-tenth -- is ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-housed, and insecure.

This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under the protection of certain inalienable political rights -- among them the right of free speech, free press, free worship, trial by jury, freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures. They were our rights to life and liberty.

As our nation has grown in size and stature, however -- as our industrial economy expanded -- these political rights proved inadequate to assure us equality in the pursuit of happiness.

We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. “Necessitous men are not free men.” People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.

In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all -- regardless of station, race, or creed.
Among these are:
  • The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the nation;
  • The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation;
  • The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will give him and his family a decent living;
  • The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home or abroad;
  • The right of every family to a decent home;
  • The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health;
  • The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment;
  • The right to a good education.
All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being.
[Alex Knight is an organizer and writer in Philadelphia. He is currently organizing with Philly Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the People's Caravan, which recently completed a story-listening and action trip to the G20 summit in Pittsburgh. He also maintains the website endofcapitalism.com and is in the process of writing a book called The End of Capitalism. He can be reached at activistalex@gmail.com.]

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Judge Wiliam Wayne Justice : Hispanics and The Right to Vote

Top, Austin polling place. Photo by T hom / Flickr. Below, Judge William Wayne Justice. Photo from Dallas Morning News.

Judge Justice and single member districts:
Bringing voting power to all Texans

By George Korbel / The Rag Blog / October 27, 2009

[Judge William Wayne Justice was a Texas federal district judge who died at age 89 on Oct. 13, 2009, in Austin. His rulings on landmark class-action suits led to school integration in Texas, as well as sweeping prison reform, the education of undocumented immigrants and much more. David Richards wrote of his legacy in The Rag Blog. Attorney George Korbel now provides a lawyerly take on Judge Justice’s profound effect on voting rights in Texas.]

I came to Texas in late 1971. Since that time I have usually represented Hispanic plaintiffs. Oscar Mauzy had driven up to Tyler to file the case attacking the 1971 House and State Senate redistricting. He then turned it over to David Richards. There was a concerted effort to remove Wayne Justice as the organizing judge. He hung tough and ended up on the panel.

His opinion in Graves v. Barnes affirmed as White v Regester was the first case in which the Supreme Court affirmed a finding of discrimination as a result of at-large elections. Four year later the findings in Graves/White formed the basis for the extension of the special provisions of the Federal Voting Rights Act to Texas. The Judge chronicled the decades of discrimination against Hispanics and litigation to redress it. And he explained how it all impacted the electoral process.

The litigation flowing from the Supreme Court affirmance of his Graves opinion sped up change in Texas. In 1971, all Texas cities and school districts elected their boards of trustees and councils at large which resulted in minimal Hispanic and virtually no African American representation. By the end of the decade, San Antonio, Houston, Dallas, Waco and a host of other cities and school districts were forced into single member districts as a result of Graves/White and the Federal Voting Rights Act.

Now virtually all of the urban areas in Texas, along with the rest of the South with the exception of Austin, elect by single member districts. Every person from every one of these jurisdictions has example after example of what changes were caused by geographic representation.

In San Antonio, every time it rained there were floods. Property was destroyed and people inevitably drowned. Virtually the first effort of the single member district city council was drainage and we have no floods now. The mother of the current mayor of San Antonio was one of the plaintiffs in the single member litigation. Such a simple concept as fair elections not only improved social and economic conditions but provided countless role models for the minority, the poor and the dispirited.

In a suit filed by David Richards, the judge issued first injunction enforcing Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act. Texas was going to purge all of the registered voters and start over from scratch in 1975. This would have been a major setback to minority voting. Fully eight million stamped sealed letters to all of our registered voters were stopped at the last moment.

Judge Justice’s impact on the expanded governmental use of the Spanish Language was likewise significant if less appreciated. His US v. Texas was a grand desegregation suit involving the entire state. An offshoot of that case was his opinion in the Del Rio school case tried by Warren Burnett in the early 1970s circa Graves/White. Judge Justice not only desegregated the schools but ordered bilingual education. Within a few years in one form or another it was common, controversial but common.

The decision in the Del Rio school case together with the Graves findings relating to problems of non-English speaking voters formed a significant part of the legislative history which resulted in the language provisions of the 1975 Voting Rights Act. Literally overnight, all election documents had to be translated into Spanish. People were allowed to vote in a language that only years earlier they had been punished for speaking in school. The success of elections in turn eventually led to the translation of virtually all forms that people have to fill out to obtain benefits from the state.

So many children have benefited from learning in Spanish. So many elections have been won and the benefits of government shared as a result. Though I was not all that close to him, some years ago I had a long chat with him at a reception in his honor in Del Rio where he often sat after moving to Austin. The questions he asked showed how interested he was in the language issues and the types of changes that had come about from single member districts. I ticked off a laundry list of the changes that I had seen. Finally I told him, “Judge, you started all of that.”

[George Korbel is a prominent attorney who specializes in voting rights issues. His offices are in San Antonio.]

Also see David Richards : The Judge Who Brought Justice to Texas by David Richards / The Rag Blog / October 22, 2009

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26 October 2009

American Peace Movement : Missing in Action

Demonstration in San Francisco. Photo from basetree.

Two cheers for health care reform efforts
But whatever happened to the peace movement?


By Harry Targ / The Rag Blog / October 27, 2009

For purposes of comparison I want to make some predictions about the outcome of two current political struggles. I predict that some kind of health care bill will pass the Congress and be grudgingly endorsed by President Obama. It will include a “public option.” I am leaving aside for purposes of this essay the question of whether it will address the fundamental health care needs of the American people.

In addition, I predict that President Obama will authorize the sending of some increment of new troops to Afghanistan, just modestly short of the request made by General McChrystal for between 40,000 to 80,000 troops. While my predictive skills are modest at best -- I predict victory for my beloved Chicago Cubs every year -- I want to use these predictions to compare what I see as the relative strengths and weaknesses of the health care movement and the peace movement today.

First, let us reflect on the health care movement. Despite an enormous campaign by insurance providers, drug companies, some health professionals, a vigorous and angry anti-government movement from the right, and a 24-7 news advocacy television station partnered with about 80 percent of all of talk radio which is right wing, we are on the cusp of a modest legislative victory for health care reform. What has contributed to this movement?

Two movements, one years old and one relatively new, have been working tirelessly to achieve some substantial increase in access to health care for the American people. The modern single payer movement goes back to the 1970s, inspired by legislative proposals from that time. The vision of comprehensive health care goes back 100 years.

More recently, supporters of so-called “universal health care” embedded in the electoral campaign of candidate Obama have penetrated the consciousness of the entire population. As a result of these two campaigns, almost everyone says the system is broken.

Single payer and other health care reform campaigners are working vibrantly in every state. They are critically supplemented by organized labor’s strong support for health care reform. Polling data indicates that majorities favor some reform and sizable minorities support a single payer system. Health care reform advocates lobby and are in the streets. Cultural performers devote whole musical concerts and documentary films to the subject.

In sum, the health care movement is organized, passionate, well-planned, and targets both ruling elites and the grassroots. It has had some success penetrating the barriers of class, race, and gender.

How about the peace movement?

While the health care movement has some formalized national, state, and local organization connections, the peace movement today seems in disarray. United for Peace and Justice no longer plays a national leadership role in the peace movement and no other national organization is taking its place. The most organized activities come from individual projects such as Robert Greenwald’s encouragement of communities to show his documentary “Rethink Afghanistan.”

Long-time peace activists, from the American Friends Service Committee, to CodePink, to local groups organized around opposition to wars in Iraq or Afghanistan or against Israeli policy in Palestine collaborate for specific public events. They reach out to workers, communities of color, and women’s groups but with limited success.

Mobilizations are organized around a variety of demands: no escalation in Afghanistan, bring the troops home from Iraq, cut military spending, or abolish nuclear weapons. The messages at rallies are diffuse. They do not lend themselves to specific demands, clear petitions, and criteria for evaluating the conduct of politicians.

It is also the case that the diverse peace movement has not clearly enough linked its demands to the living experience of workers, people of color, and women. As to the former, while U.S. Labor Against the War has lobbied vigorously and effectively within the labor movement, the labor movement has not been forced to play a critical role in campaigns for peace the way it has in reference to health care. “Health care not warfare” is demanded at rallies but almost as an “add-on” or afterthought to “end the war” slogans.

I raise these comparisons tentatively and with humility; tentatively because I may be drawing the comparisons too strongly. And the differences may also be a reflection of the immediate context of the two struggles, with health care highlighted by the media and the town hall right wing protests. I raise the comparisons with humility because grassroots peace activists are articulate, passionate, and committed to their struggle.

But if the comparisons are correct there are lessons to be learned. Peace and justice activists have to more rigorously connect the understanding and presentation of their issues -- both health care and peace. Bringing a kind of structural analysis to educational work, lobbying, and street action is called for now more than ever. The lack of adequate health care, long-term unemployment, war and military spending, and global warming must be analyzed together.

These analyses require theory and political activism that is shaped by understandings of how the structures of society construct classes, races, and genders.

Finally, we can use our knowledge of history to inform our campaigns. For example, President Johnson promised the American people that he would work to create a “Great Society,’ a society that eliminated poverty. That promise was destroyed in the jungles of Vietnam.

Dr. Martin Luther King was beginning to make the theoretical and practical connections at the end of his life when he said that: “A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.”

[Harry Tarq is a professor in American Studies who lives in West Lafayette, Indiana. He blogs at Diary of a Heartland Radical, where this article also appears.]

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Austin Economy : We're Number 2! Maybe.


Is this picture too rosy?
Austin economy called second strongest


By Roger Baker / The Rag Blog / October 26, 2009

Here's the proud headline from the October 23, 2009, Austin Business Journal:

BusinessWeek: Austin 2nd strongest economy in the nation

(Texas had half of the top ten. San Antonio was number one; Dallas-Ft. Worth, 5th; Houston, 9th, and El Paso was 10th.)

On close inspection, it turns out that the Austin Business Journal actually borrowed this optimistic outlook from Business Week. In turn, BW got their information from the Brookings Institution. [Source: The Brookings Institution's MetroMonitor]

Here are the Austin numbers and the context:

Austin-Round Rock, TX; Overall rank: 2

Austin, a high-tech center, is also home to the University of Texas. Employment in the Austin metro peaked in the fourth quarter of last year. Gross metropolitan product peaked in the second quarter. Home prices grew 2.5% in the second quarter compared with the same period a year earlier. And the unemployment rate in June was 7.1%, up 2.6 points from a year earlier. (Please see below for the various criteria used by the Brookings Institution to determine the overall ranking.)

Job growth (since peak) rank: 2
Gross Metro Product (since peak) rank: 2
Unemployment change (year over year) rank: 16
Home price change (year over year) rank: 18
So we click on over to Brookings to find out how they got their information. It turns out they compile something called the GMP or Gross Metropolitan Product. But where does Brookings get its numbers? It turns out that they don't actually compile their own information, but rather they process information collected by the feds, which we can see by going here and here.

The second link above reveals the following interesting information.
The metropolitan (statistical) areas used by BEA for its entire series of GDP statistics are the county-based definitions developed by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for federal statistical purposes and last updated in November 2008.
In other words, when you drill down, the Austin economy didn't really boom so much as it did less badly than most areas of the United States. The Austin area unemployment rate rose over the last year from 4.5% to its current 7.1% . Also go here for what is probably the most recent employment info, closely tracking the Business Week numbers. It indicates that Austin area unemployment rose from 4.6% to 7.2 from Sept. 2008 to Sept. 2009.

This fairly recent employment data indicates that Austin regional employment actually increased less than 1% year over the year -- from about 832,000 to 839,000, even as area unemployment increased sharply. This slight job increase is good, but not not much to brag about; it is likely partly due to the stabilizing effect of government and education, since these factors buffer the Austin economy from decline more than most places.

The #2 rank of Austin's Gross Metro Product used by Brookings is a snapshot of old federal data, and is likely to reflect the recent boom in construction. But construction has recently decreased sharply. In fact, construction has decreased by more than 20% in the past year. Here is the relevant headline and some numbers.

Bottom line:

We don't have enough good recent data to draw the conclusions that the local business press likes to brag about. There is no doubt that Austin is doing less badly than most areas of the USA, but Austin's metro area unemployment has risen sharply in the past year. Construction, one of Austin's historically important growth sectors, is headed sharply downward. What drives construction employment is of course high growth in other sectors like government, education, and high tech manufacturing. Of these, government was still increasing steadily and rapidly from 2001 to 2008, (the latest numbers available). Likewise, the real estate sector.

However, with deficits increasing on every level of government, it is questionable whether government can continue to pull the Austin area economy, or whether the charts would look the same if extended to 2008-2009.

Interested in high tech business trends? Too bad. The software sector and computer manufacturing sector numbers are suppressed. Also "education and health services." As the federal Bureau of Economic Analysis puts it: "Not shown in order to avoid the disclosure of confidential information." What local economic data is not considered to be secret is revealed here. You can generate line charts for the non-confidential sectors of the Austin-Round Rock metro area economy here.

Then go to:

Interactive Charts and Graphs: GDP by State and Metropolitan Area Interactive Chart

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Mexico : 'Tormenta Electrica' and the 100th Anniversary of the Revolution


'!Aqui se ve la fuerza del SME!'
Chronicle of a Tormenta Electrica

I awoke to the racket of Federal Police helicopters buzzing the Centro Historico like giant gnats. Ever since 1968 when Diaz Ordaz's helicopters dropped flairs to signal the start of the student massacre in the Plaza of Three Cultures, the government has deployed these infernal machines to intimate those who stand against it...
By John Ross / The Rag Blog / October 26, 2009

[This is the second installment of a series by John Ross about the crackdown on the electricity workers' union in Mexico, with President Calderon's firing of 44,000 workers -- and the aftermath of those actions. For Part I, go here.]

MEXICO CITY - Monday morning broke broodingly over Mexico City. The headlines on a score of newspapers hanging from Vicente Ramirez's kiosk were universal loas for Calderon's heroic seizure of Luz y Fuerza del Centro. As usual, La Jornada, the capital's left daily, was the exception. Political columnist Julio Hernandez noted that on the eve of the centennial of the Revolution of 1910-1919, Mexico stood at a decisive moment: if Calderon was allowed to validate the takeover of the company and destroy the SME, the left's goose was cooked.

Around the counter at the Café La Blanca, sullen faces were buried in their newspapers. Isidro Zuniga talked about putting 34 years in at a box factory before being shown the door: "I gave them my youth for a handful of pinche lentils. This is how the bosses fuck us. Chinga su Madre Senor President! We will stand with the SME…"

Benito Ruiz, the driver at the hotel where I've lived for 25 years, was steaming. Calderon was like the dictator Porfirio Diaz who was dumped by the Revolution, like the president Gustavo Diaz Ordaz who had ordered the massacre of hundreds of students on the eve of the Olympics in 1968. "Watch your back, Senor John," he warned, "these bastards will stop at nothing…"

Others had less sympathy for the workers. Don Juanito Lopez, a tailor here in the old quarter, was dismissive of Luz y Fuerza which he thought rotten to the core with corruption. When you complained about your light bill or wanted to get something fixed, employees demanded a "stimulus" bribe. Sky-high electric bills have driven a wedge between Luz y Fuerza workers and the general public.

I walked over to the neighborhood Luz y Fuerza office on Carranza Street. It was locked up tight but the Mexican flag was still flapping from the roof. Handwritten signs ("Listen up people! The SME is fighting for you!") were taped to the dusty windows. A young woman who said she was the daughter of an electricista, handed me a leaflet that explained what Calderon had done "is called fascism just like under Hitler and Mussolini and Pinochet and Diaz Ordaz."

At five in the afternoon, Felipe Calderon's arch-nemesis Lopez Obrador had called a rally outside the Chamber of Deputies to offer legislators an alternative budget that would chop government officials' salaries in half, cancel their million pesos perks, and double the tax rate on Mexico's 400 top corporations that now pay only 1.7% of their total earnings. Three years after the stolen election, AMLO is still able to drum out thousands but lately attendance has dipped and the die-hards' energies dampened.

Today, however, the crowd outside Congress was swollen by word of the takeover -- for AMLO, the SME would be a force multiplier. Several thousand electricistas packed the street, chanting and pumping their fists into the dank afternoon air: "Aqui se ve la Fuerza del SME!" ("Here you see the strength of the SME!")

Andres Manuel helped Martin Esparza mount the podium and embraced him. He would put his movement at the SME's disposal. The opposition would consolidate for a "mega-marcha" on Thursday the 15th. "!Aqui se ve la Fuerza del SME!"

Esparza took the mic. He is not a brilliant speaker but he made some pertinent points, rattling off the names of companies and institutions that were exempted from paying their electric bills: the Torre Mayor, the nation's tallest skyscraper; luxury tourist hotels in the Zona Rosa and the ritzy Polanco district; "Reforma" and "Uno Mas Uno", newspapers that back Calderon to the hilt; the Chamber of Deputies and Mexico City's City Hall; Eight distinct federal Secretariats and Los Pinos, the Mexican White House. Electricity rates were high because 70% of the juice is sold to 46,000 private corporations at 45 centavos the kilowatt while home consumers shell out one peso 50 centavos. Esparza's fist shot up. "!Aqui Se Ve La Fuerza del SME!" When he drove away from the rally, the union leader was shadowed by seven carloads of federal police.

Out at Los Pinos, the Estado Mayor, Calderon's elite military guard, was installing even more forbidding metal fences around the presidential palace and shutting down all access streets. Los Pinos has always been a bunker but now it was impenetrable. The President has declared "a state of exception" Mayor Marcelo, a prominent figure in Lopez Obrador's Party of the Democratic Revolution, worried. "We have returned to the 19th century of Porfirio Diaz. I have never seen such disrespect for the workers."

Tuesday, October 13th: It rained hard all Monday night, a cold late season downpour that always spells trouble for the city's circuits. Most of Luz y Fuerza's transformers are at least 50 years old -- the company has been starved for investments for decades -- and the Federal Electricity Commission engineers who had been brought over to operate the plants had no idea of how to deal with such antique equipment. Blackouts spread into 22 colonias -- the prensa vendida suggested sabotage.

Federal Police visited the neighborhoods where SME workers live. One electricista, as reported in La Jornada, says he was offered 25,000 pesos to return to the plant he had been forced out of in the Saturday Night Massacre. He turned down the bribe. Many SME members have climbed into the lower middle class. They have an apartment and a car and payments to make every week. Now they had no work and no paycheck yet they wern't going to give up their union without a fight. "!Aqui Se Ve la Fuerza del SME!"

Weds. October 14th: By Wednesday morning, the blackouts had radiated into 72 colonies in 12 out of the city's 16 delegations (boroughs.) 90,000 residents in Milpa Alta, a rural delegation, hadn't had power since Saturday night. The system was said to be on the verge of collapse. When irate customers called Luz y Fuerza, no one answered the phones.

A hundred families in Ocoyouapac, Mexico state on the western flank of the capital had enough. They marched out to the busy federal highway that connects up Toluca with Mexico City at morning rush hour and stood there with their arms folded across their chests, the women holding squirming babies, neighborhood dogs lay at their feet. Auto horns blared. Traffic was backed up for 18 kilometers. The Federal police arrived and threatened arrest. The colonos stood there for two hours and refused to yield until the juice was turned back on. The colonos were not alone. 754 manufacturing businesses in Mexico state had to close shop because of the rolling blackouts. Governor Enrique Pena Nieto, the PRI presidential candidate in 2012, told the prensa vendida that he had proof of SME sabotage.

The Calderon government opened up indemnization pay-out centers on Wednesday morning with terrific fanfare -- four pages printed in green ink ran in every newspaper instructing workers where to sign up for their checks. The pay-outs would be conducted under the aegius of the SAE or System for the Liquidation of Embargoed Goods, an agency that is usually charged with auctioning off property seized from narco traffickers. Gomez Montt warned that if the union tried to intimidate workers into refusing the checks, its leaders would be met with the full force of the law.

Despite the offer of spectacular bonuses for those who signed up to be liquidated before the end of the month, the lines were thin outside the centers, mostly administrative personnel who were not even members of the SME, some older workers on the verge of retirement plus a few ex-wives who showed up to see if husbands who owed them child support and food allotments had cashed out. Others lined up just to find out exactly how much they would receive. Carstens had promised that the government would counsel former workers where to invest their windfalls and provide them with incentives for business start-ups.

Those who were inclined to buy the government package waited from 9 a.m. through mid-afternoon and gave up. The computers had crashed and the system was down. A few lucky sell-outs received checks only to discover they were post-dated and needed to be approved by arbitration and conciliation commissions before they could spend them. "Esquiroles!" SME militants yelled at them despite Gomez Montt's warning, "Scabs!" "What will you do when the money runs out?" one veteran worker called out. "Calderon has created 60,000 quesadilla venders -- there won't be enough tortillas to go around…"

That morning, Felipe Calderon addressed a convention of radio and television executives whose networks had been spouting his government's calumnies against the SME for weeks. The event had been moved up a day so that the president wouldn't get caught up in Thursday's mega-march.

Calderon's conscience was still clear, he told the execs. He was fighting for Mexico's poor, the victims of his own neo-liberal regime. When he had done, the executives gave him a ten-minute standing ovation. I punched off the TV. The prolonged applause of the owners of the prensa vendida brought back bitter memories of the standing ovation the Mexican congress had given Gustavo Diaz Ordaz after he slaughtered hundreds of students 41 years ago at Tlatelolco. Such servility and authoritarianism are old stories around here.

Protest march by Mexican Electrical Workers Union. Photo by AFP.

Thurs. October 15th: I awoke to the racket of Federal Police helicopters buzzing the Centro Historico like giant gnats. Ever since 1968 when Diaz Ordaz's helicopters dropped flairs to signal the start of the student massacre in the Plaza of Three Cultures, the government has deployed these infernal machines to intimate those who stand against it. I stood on my balcony and waved my fist at the intruders. "!Aqui Se Ve La Fuerza del SME!"

When I went out for breakfast, it felt like the Centro had been emptied out in preparation for the big march. The banks had not even bothered to open. In the Zocalo, the big tents housing the annual book fair had been dismantled and the books carted off to avoid conflict with the marchers. Mayor Marcelo likes to fill the great square with public spectacles, a skating rink in the winter, an exhibition of dinosaur bones all summer. The mega-march would be an occasion to reclaim this public space to demonstrate the pueblo's enormous displeasure with the mal gobierno ("bad government").

By lunchtime, you could hear the rolling steel curtains that protect storefronts in the Centro being slammed shut. There were not nearly as many Mexico City cops in the streets as there had been for the October 2nd commemoration of the '68 massacre when students tend to maraud. SME workers are not apt to spray paint nasty slogans on the KFCs or plunder 7-11s.

I joined a gang of cultural workers in front of Bellas Artes, the rococo fine arts palace just outside the Centro Historico, captained by Paco Taibo II, the quintessential Mexico City novelist and historian, and Enrique Gonzalez Rojo, a revolutionary poet who is even more ancient than this correspondent. For two hours we stood there behind our banner as an endless river of protesters streamed by, waiting for a space to insert ourselves in the line of march.

The demonstration was clearly the densest since the protests after Lopez Obrador had been robbed of the 2006 election but it was distinct from AMLO's recent "informative assemblies" that have become stagy and ritualistic. October 15th was indeed a spontaneous response not only to Calderon's grotesque union busting but also a long painful laundry list of his government's abuse of social movements in this conflictive city and country.

The spontaneity was made manifest by the thousands and thousands of hand-scrawled signs the marchers waved calling "Fecal" every name in the book of imprecations from dog to snake to rat to asshole to the reincarnation of Gustavo Diaz Ordaz and the dictator Porfirio Diaz. "Feed The Poor!" one sign counseled, advising that Augusto Carstens' corpulent frame should be rendered into "carnitas" (roast pork.) "If there is no solution, there will be a revolution!" UNAM students bellowed.

The fists punched at the autumn air: "!Aqui Se Ve La Fuerza del SME!" A baby stroller drifted by with a sleeping child aboard, her little fingers curled around a sign that asked "Mommy, why has my daddy lost his job?" Many marchers called upon rate-payers to withhold their payments. Others hollered for a "Huelga General", a general strike. "1810-1910-2010! The revolution will come again!"

From 4 p.m. through 9:20 that night on my cheap chronometer, the masses poured into the Zocalo. Police estimated the crowd size at 150,000, the organizers 350,000. As a veteran Zocolologist who has been estimating the size of crowds here for a quarter of a century, I'll go with a quarter of a million.

By 6 p.m., the floor of the great plaza was jam-packed and many contingents had not yet even decamped from the starting point at the Angel five kilometers down Reforma. Lopez Obrador and his thousands of brigadistas who had volunteered to bring up the rear of the mega-march did not even reach the Zocalo before the masses inside that Tiennemen-sized square intoned the National Hymn which is how such rallies wind down around here.

Despite its enormity, Mexico's largest, longest social outburst in years didn't even got top billing in the prensa vendida -- Televisa led the nightly news with a story about a kid who was thought to have flown off in a runaway balloon somewhere in Gringolandia. But in a symbolic nod to the strength of the SME, Gomez Montt announced that a "dialogue" would soon be entabled between the mal gobierno and the union. Mayor Marcelo volunteered to mediate.

I joined my friend Berta Robledo, one of AMLO's "Adelitas," at the Blanca for coffee. We sat at the counter with five very serious farmers from Zacatecas. They all owned cows but they couldn't get a price for their milk anymore so they had taken to dumping it out on the highway. The banks were threatening to foreclose. Sure, they supported the SME but they had really traveled 500 miles to manifest their desperation at the worsening conditions of their lives. "Our fathers and grandfathers fought and died for this land," Don Geronimo Amaya muttered, "we don’t want to see more blood spilled. But if we have to…." His small voice trailed off into the café chatter.

Such is the mood of "los de abajo" on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the Mexican revolution.

To be continued.

[John Ross's monstrous
El Monstruo -- Dread & Redemption in Mexico City will be published by Nation Books in November. You can get an earful at Northtown Books in Arcata, Calif.. on Friday the 13th and at Modern Times in San Francisco's Mish on the 18th. During his upcoming "Ross & Revolution in 2010" book tour, the author will also be traveling with his recently-published Iraqigirl (Haymarket), the diary of a teenager coming of age under U.S. occupation. Any bright ideas about venues? Write johnross@igc.org.]

See the previous article in this series:
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Immigrant Detention in Raymondville, Texas : City With a Frown

Raymondville vigil - raw footage
from Texans United For Families on Vimeo.

Protesting immigrant detention in
Raymondville: 'City With a Smile'
...we were on our way out when two pickups zoomed up to crowd us closer together. The uniformed drivers then took out shotguns and loaded them in front of us, pointing the guns in our direction. A more burly man in civilian clothes, who appeared to be their boss, told us it would be best for us to leave.
By Jane Leatherman Van Praag / The Rag Blog / October 26, 2009

The evening of October 16, about forty of us visited the Willacy County Prison Complex at Raymondville, Texas, to protest the incarceration of some 3000 immigrant men, principally for the crime of existing without the proper piece of paper and then having the nerve to ask for a trial.

Don’t get me wrong. I have to admit that the place may be full of criminals without papers, but that pesky U.S. Constitution tells me we don’t know that until the locked up individuals have trials. Call me old fashioned.

We had heard that these people were being detained in a “tent city” rather than a normal detention facility. Because one of the immigrants had gone on a hunger strike, he was considered a troublemaker and transferred to the adjacent prison facility, so we included that place on our route.

The Prison Complex is an odd mix of county, federal, and private for-profit lockups. From the county road you first see the CCA (Corrections Corporation of America, the General Motors of private prisons -- only more solvent), then the tent city, next the U.S. Marshall's prison, and finally a county lockup. The tent city is run by a for-profit prison company called Management and Training Corporation out of Utah.

It was very obvious that our tiny group was no threat. Only a few of us wore thin jackets or sweaters, so we had no place to conceal weapons. Our hands were occupied holding up signs and banners. I am 70 years old and there were several other senior citizens among us, as well as an eight year-old girl.

Having marched around the parking lot, we were on our way out when two pickups zoomed up to crowd us closer together. The uniformed drivers then took out shotguns and loaded them in front of us, pointing the guns in our direction. A more burly man in civilian clothes, who appeared to be their boss, told us it would be best for us to leave.

Our leaving was exactly what armed men had interrupted. We asked these three individuals for some identification, verbal or written, but they remained silent so we have no names or badge numbers or even job titles to report. However, we do have this scene recorded as several among us were filming the entire event. We continued leaving after a good five minutes of calling out to the armed men in English and in Spanish that we wanted to know who they were. The uniformed men were Hispanic; the presumed boss Anglo.

I am sorry to report that everything I've previously heard about the tent city in Raymondville and the rest of the prison complex there is true. It was like we had been transported to a banana republic except for the water tower touting Raymondville as a “city with a smile.”

Think about it. People are locked up in tents for a status offense in a land of immigrants. A group of very old and very young citizens protest this treatment and are threatened by armed men who refuse to identify themselves in the land of free speech and freedom of assembly. America, please rethink your priorities.

Thanks to Steve Russell / The Rag Blog

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Northwest Pilot Show : Dreamliner Bedtime Story?

Graphic by Larry Ray / The Rag Blog

Northwest's dreamy flight includes bedtime fairytale


By Larry Ray / The Rag Blog / October 26, 2009

Last Wednesday, Oct. 21, Delta-Northwest Airlines flight 188 from San Diego to Minneapolis arrived an hour late after the plane's pilots somehow flew right over the Minneapolis airport and kept on flying eastward for another 150 miles, all the while failing to respond to repeated radio calls to them by air traffic controllers.

As of today the pilots are sticking with the story they gave the NTSB that they were "in a heated discussion about airline policy" and lost "situational awareness" when they flew past their destination at 37,000 feet. Earlier, over Denver, ATC got no reply from repeated radio calls on various frequencies to the Northwest pilots nor did other FAA centers till the plane finally turned around after overshooting Minneapolis. It looked enough like a possible hijacking that National Guard jets were put on standby by the White House.

Regardless of what the two pilots are claiming to the press, the logic of what happened would seem very clear to most pilots, even a non-commercial private pilot like me, and especially any pilot flying under Instrument Flight Rules. Let's consider a few things...
  • Airline pilots fly in a very structured environment. Flight plans with headings and altitudes are issued by Air Traffic Control centers; the plane is "handed off" from one regional ATC center to another further along the path the plane is following. Pilots cannot decide not to talk to the ATC controllers.

  • There is a relatively continuous exchange of flight altitudes and headings that is heard and read back confirming the information along the route. Aircraft radios are tuned to several different frequencies. Just picture several "phones" that can ring and also be used to call the ground. Pilots must answer any of them when they "ring."

  • Every aircraft, private or commercial, must have a gizmo called a transponder that broadcasts a data string of four numbers which clearly identify the plane on radar. So while the Northwest airplane had "phones ringing" which they weren't answering, the ATC could see exactly where the plane was on their radar screens.

  • Some very basic things a pilot is supposed to do include never flying with less than 8 hours between drinking alcohol and takeoff time, "bottle to throttle" time, and never ignoring and always acknowledging radio instructions from ATC.

  • So, we have to ask. Why didn't anyone answer any of the several "phones ringing" in their headsets or over the cockpit radio speakers? Back on the ground, why would you not get an answer when you call a close friend whom you know is at home? Phone off the hook? Phone ring volume turned way down too low while friend is watching something really great on TV? Or, the TV show was too long and boring and your friend dozed off, not hearing the phone? Or they could have had an accident?

  • When would they finally hear the phone and answer it? If they finally wake up from their snooze having faintly heard the phone ringing? Or if the police and ambulance you sent are banging on the door, while the phone is ringing?
Airline pilots almost always only physically fly the airplane during takeoff, and landing. After climbing out to altitude the "flight plan" is keyed into the autopilot computer which does all the long course leg flying. If ATC changes their flight plan while they are up at assigned altitude they just key in the changes in heading and altitude and the plane's system flies the changes very smoothly and efficiently. They then usually only physically take control to land after being cleared to descend and land by ATC. Of course bad weather flying may require the pilot to take over to skirt thunderstorms and such.

Most of the descent is routinely programmed into the computer as well, with the pilot taking the controls when on final to land. Most passengers do not know that many of today's modern aircraft have automatic landing systems where the plane's flight controls and throttles are all computer controlled. This allows once impossible landings through thick soupy rain and fog right to touchdown. Many larger airliners even have a "full stop " landing capability that flies the plane to touchdown, steers it straight on the runway heading, slows it down and applies brakes to a full stop if that capability is ever necessary. Pilots are still in total command, but the new capabilities make life lots easier when needed.

So, with all this considered, an intense cockpit conversation about union rules and inequities that lasted from Denver to beyond Minneapolis, drowning out all the radio, email and data messages would have had to be compelling dialogue worthy of Shakespeare.

Airline bean counters in recent years have been combating increasing fuel and operational costs by tightening up flight schedules and pilot-crew pay. FAA-required rest and sleep times have been complied with only on paper in many instances. The real world includes airport-motel flight crew travel times, time to eat, getting restful sleep, waking up way too early, showering and dressing and making it to back the airport on time. Too frequently this stretches FAA requirements way too thinly. Not enough actual beneficial sleep, which is cumulative, can make pilots tired and less sharp. This reportedly is all too frequently becoming routine.

Imagine, a little before Flight 188 reached Denver, the Captain says to the First Officer in the right seat, "Charlie, I'm really beat and may be coming down with a damned cold. How about taking it while I get a couple of minutes sleep?" First Officer, Charlie, says, "Sure Skipper, I've got it. Great weather, smooth air, so catch a couple winks." This is prohibited by the FAA for U.S. airlines.

Then with the familiar crackle of radio chatter the only distraction in the cockpit, good old Charlie, who is more worn out than the Captain, starts to nod a little, then a little more and soon he is out cold, deeply asleep. And neither pilot wakes up till a flight attendant bangs on the door or repeatedly clangs the little intercom chime in the cockpit.

It is not reasonable that pilots, knowing they really screwed up, are going to tell authorities or the press right off the bat that they went to sleep with 144 passengers on board. They will stonewall it, futilely hoping their Airline Pilots Association lawyers can intervene with the NTSB and FAA and possibly get them off with a suspension from flying for a few months instead of losing their licenses and hard earned "type ratings" certifying them to pilot multiple models of airliners. A life's worth of training and experience snoozed away is too tough to accept.

The pilots' attorneys know this story will quickly fall off the TV news radar screen and be replaced with some other bizarre event. Just a few days before this latest Delta-Northwest Airlines bizarre story, one of Delta's airliners landed in Atlanta at 6:o3 AM on a taxiway instead of the runway. Fortunately no one was taxiing as they landed. Because of dominating political news, that equally incredible story didn't get the big play this mystery pilot story is getting.

Perhaps my oft-mentioned "two-headed mule," will appear on CNN with each head actually making speech-like utterances as if they were talking, one head delivering one sentence with the other head picking up the next mulish garble. But on second thought, that may not be novel enough even for CNN. . . that kind of thing is seen constantly on cable newscasts. But with two human "co-anchor" talking heads which have nicer hair and sometime even speak intelligibly as they divide the news commentary, one line for him, then next for her.

Nothing would delight me more than to be completely blindsided with some astounding revelation from the NTSB and FAA investigations of the errant Northwest Airlines flight that exonerates the Captain and Charlie. Interestingly, Northwest is supposed to be the first North American carrier operating the new 787 Boeing "Dreamliner"... maybe this was a secret test flight?

If the pilots are exonerated, I will certainly post a new article on such findings... unless I get completely distracted with news of a real live two headed mule somewhere.

UPDATE: Monday, Oct 26, 6:25 p.m.

Breaking news now tells us that Captain Timothy Cheney and First Officer Richard Cole are telling investigators that instead of having had a "heated discussion" they had broken out their laptop computers and the junior officer was showing the Captain how to use a new computerized crew-scheduling system being introduced by Delta-Northwest where pilots now put in "bids" by computer for the flights they prefer.

The picture is now not napping pilots, but pilots totally absorbed in their laptops with no idea where they were, and not even using their radios. Their cyber-seance was broken, they say, when a flight attendant knocked on the door and asked what their estimated arrival time was. By then, at 37,000 feet they were more than 100 miles beyond their destination.

At this point would you rather have had pilots sleeping, or pilots totally unaware of radio communication or where the plane was while they were fully awake? Talk about people using their cell phones and texting while driving!

There still remains the question as to whether they really were, in fact, asleep or now have hatched a new, still hard to believe cover story about being totally absorbed in their laptop computers, which is also against regulations. Stay tuned.

[Retired journalist Larry Ray is a Texas native and former Austin television news anchor. He also posts at The iHandbill.]

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25 October 2009

Rabbi Arthur Waskow : J Street Meets at River's Edge

Graffiti art by Banksy on Israeli security wall in Bethlehem.

After 40 Years of Wilderness:
Gathering is Pro-Peace, Pro-Israel


By Rabbi Arthur Waskow / The Rag Blog / October 25, 2009

For the next few days, in Washington, DC, 1200 people are gathering in the name of a "pro-Israel, pro-peace" U.S. policy. Because of my broken leg, I can't be physically there. But my mind and spirit and 40 years of my work are there today.

Forty years ago, in the summer of 1969, I visited Israel for the first time. On the same trip, guided by a brilliant Israeli kibbutznik-sociologist, Dan Leon, I also visited Palestinian leaders in Hebron, East Jerusalem, and Gaza -- old-fashioned notables, social workers, lawyers.

To a person, they told me they had marched and spoken out against occupation by Jordan or Egypt, and would oppose occupation by Israel. They said they had no objection to Israel as it had been before the 1967 war. They wanted to be citizens of a free Palestine, at peace with Israel and Jordan and everyone else.

I saw an occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem that was still relatively mild. (There were as yet, in the areas I visited, no Israeli settlers grabbing Palestinian land.) But I came back to America knowing this occupation was deeply dangerous. I knew this as a secular historian, and I knew it as a Jew who had just rediscovered the power and truth of the Passover Seder -- that call to liberation from all pharaohs, all occupations.

This is what I knew: No occupation by one people over another, against its will, can be mild forever. Sooner or later, fury will rise in those occupied and arrogance in those who occupy. Resistance is inevitable -- probably violent, just barely possibly nonviolent. And violent repression is almost inevitable.

So I organized a network of peace activists some Jews and some not -- Dr. Benjamin Spock, Rabbis Arthur Green and Arnold Jacob Wolf, Denise Levertov and Stewart Meacham, Abbie Hoffman and John Ruskay, Michael Lerner and myself (neither of us yet rabbis) --- to place a statement in the New York Review of Books calling for a peace settlement between Israel and a Palestinian state.

We were then and for years a voice crying in the wilderness, against rage from the Israeli government and from many pro-Arab activists who urged a "one-state secular democratic Palestine," and contempt or indifference from all American and Jewish officialdom.

Why am I mentioning this ancient history? Precisely because it was 40 years ago. Now, today, the biblical "40 years in the Wilderness" later, J Street has organized and 20 other organizations, including The Shalom Center, are participating in an historic pro-peace conference in Washington, DC, with 1200 people taking part and dozens of Members of Congress joining as hosts.

All 21 groups are calling on a rhetorically friendly U.S. government to push not only for a two-state peace settlement but one joined by all the Arab states. To do so even though that means dealing with a divided Palestinian leadership and a hostile Israeli government. Some of us would say the U.S. should not just mouth support for that peace settlement but insist on it. Use its clout to insist on it.

Will the Obama Administration fulfill its lofty rhetoric? Not yet clear. What would make that happen?

Public demand. Insistence by enough Americans to matter. Americans who care enough to insist.

If my auto accident were not preventing my speaking at J Street, this is what I'd be saying:

That there are only two clusters of Americans who care enough about the Middle East to make a difference.

One is Big Oil and its allies the Cowboy Neo-Cons who foisted the Iraq war upon us. That difference was a disaster.

And the other is passionate Jews, passionate Christians, and passionate Muslims who view as sacred the region walked by Abraham, Hagar, and Sarah, and who have deep ties of spirit and emotion to their brothers and sisters in that region.

Of course we know that some of the passionate Christians, far from seeking peace in the footsteps of the Jesus who said to his own follower, "Whoever lifts the sword dies by the sword," seek the Great Armageddon War and worship their version of a Killer Christ who will with sword and H-bomb murder all unbelievers.

Some of the passionate Jews seek not the renewal of Jewish culture or their own safety in the everyday joys of Shalom, Peace, that the rabbis taught as the very Name and essence of God -- but worship the military might of a State with 200-plus nuclear weapons that can win military control of every foot of land that any biblical verse might have named as Israelite.

Some of the passionate Muslims are so consumed with rage against the Crusades and colonialism of centuries past and the oppressions and occupations of today that they cannot bear the notion of living in peace with former enemies, cannot celebrate the One Who says in the Quran, "I made the many peoples not to despise each other but to know the inner richness of the many different faces of the One."

For we know, "the worst are full of passionate intensity."

But so can also be the best. We need an Abrahamic Alliance of the passionate best.
Shalom, salaam, peace!

Arthur

[Rabbi Arthur Waskow is director of The Shalom Center. He can be reached at awaskow@shalomctr.org.]

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Dr. Stephen R. Keister : The Public Option and the Public Good

Graphic by patriotboy.

Honesty, honor and universal health care
We hear cries of woe about costs of universal care from the insurance-subsidized Republican members of Congress. Yet, these same folks have no problem with spending on foreign wars, of questionable need...
By Dr. Stephen R. Keister / The Rag Blog / October 25, 2009

The Machiavellian maneuvering in the United States Congress continues. As a keen observer of the complexities involved in health care legislation I am confused.

Granted there are a few forthright, honest elected representatives such as Rep. Alan Grayson on the scene; however, there is much conflicted double talk arising from our elected representatives in general. How can the general public ever understand? Just what is a "public option"? Hopefully, it would be a program akin to Medicare available to all. Apparently not. During a recent discussion on MSNBC it was pointed out the program may well be limited to those currently without insurance, or for employers to provide employee benefits when they find commercial insurance overly expensive.

It would seem that those who have found their insurance to be too expensive, or those who would turn to the public plan for more humane, more intensive, or more honest, coverage, may well be excluded. One still feels the evidence of Faustian arrangements between certain Democratic Senators and the insurance/pharmaceutical/medical equipment alliance.

The drumbeat of opposition to universal health care continues. Reasonably new on the scene is an organization interestingly named AmeriPac –- the American Political Action Committee -- whose motto is "No Obama Care!" These folks have amassed every lie, misrepresentation, and distortion into one central location, producing pamphlets, bumper-stickers, e-mailings, the works.

An interview with ex-senator Dr. Bill Frist on Fox News October 18, 2009, makes one appreciate the well funded efforts that the health insurance cartels employ to hoodwink the public. It brings to mind Josef Goebbels’ credo:
"There is no point in seeking to convert the intellectuals. For intellectuals would never be converted and would anyway yield to the stronger, and this will always be ‘the man on the street.’ Arguments must therefore be crude, clear, and forceable, and appeal to the emotions and instincts, not to the intellect. Truth is unimportant and entirely subordinate to tactics and psychology.
According to The Washington Post on October 10,
The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America,. the drugmakers' main trade group, shattered records by spending nearly $7 million on lobbying July through September. The outlay brings PhARMA's total so far this year to nearly $20 million, just shy of the group’s entire lobbying budget for 2008. Other big spenders for the third quarter included Pfizer, Inc. ($5,42 million); the American Hospital Association ($3.8 million); the AMA ($3.95 million); Amgen, Inc. ($3,0 million; Bayer Corporation ($2.45 million) and Americas Health Insurance Plans ($2.4 million). Many of Washington's broader interest groups have also ramped up their lobbying efforts. The powerful U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which is at loggerheads with President Obama on health care, climate change and other key issues, spent a stunning $35 million on lobbying in the third quarter.
When we have a prescription filled at an outlandish price we are indirectly paying for the lobbies that are working to defeat efforts to establish price control on prescription drugs. The pharmaceutical industry spends much more on advertising than on research. It seems like every other commercial on television is for a pharmaceutical product.

Finally keep in mind that, when you are paying a health insurance premium, 40% of it will not go to pay your medical bills, but will provide for multimillion dollar executive salaries, lush stockholder dividends, and payments to your elected representatives aimed at defeating universal health care for you and your family. Universal health care would provide insurance without exclusions, high co-pays, and denials of preexisting conditions. Universal health care would be akin to Medicare, where you can choose your own physician, consultants, or out of town clinics, without the exclusions placed on HMO sponsors such as the Humana Corporation.

We hear cries of woe about costs of universal care from the insurance-subsidized Republican members of Congress. Yet, these same folks have no problem with spending on foreign wars, of questionable need, which have cost the American citizens $923,211,375,341 since 2001. The taxpayer has spent $693,457.283,717 in Iraq and $229,754,091,624 in Afghanastan, according to costofwar.com

Paul Craig Roberts, writing in Information Clearing House on October 21, 2009, notes: "According to reports the U.S. Marines in Afghanastan use 800,000 gallons of gasoline per day. At $400 per gallon that comes to a $320 million daily fuel bill for the Marines alone." Mr. Roberts also notes that it costs $750,000 per year for each soldier we have in Afghanastan. And we cannot pay for health care for the 45,000 Americans who die each year for lack of resources to pay for the fundamental right of having decent health car! Please check out Rep. Grayson's new website Names of the Dead.

Happily there is a bit of good news and that is the fact that both the House and Senate are working to include the health insurance industry under the antitrust laws, from which they and major league baseball have been the sole exemptions. Furthermore, there is legislation pending in both the House and Senate, the latter sponsored by Sen. Debbie Stabanow, as SB 1776, that would eliminate Medicare's Sustainable Growth Rate from the physician formula. This, plus a bill for health care reform, deemed necessary by the American College of Physicians, would provide a 10% bonus to primary care physicians for five years, establish a workforce Advisory Committee to develop and implement a national workforce strategy, redistribute unused graduate medical education funds to primary care, and create a CMS innovation center to test new payment models that support primary care.

In short we will begin to produce more family doctors, pay them a decent salary, and perhaps some day once again rediscover the house call, which is still available in many European nations. We have fewer primary care physicians than any Western nation. For no good reason some surgical specialists have an income 20 times that of a family doctor.

In the midst of all of this we again hear a cry from the highly paid specialties that Medicare discounts their usual fees. We who practiced prior to Medicare remember that that many of the elderly were able to pay only a token fee, and some could not pay at all; thus we who were in internal medicine, internal medicine subspecialties, or general practice were delighted to see, with the advent of Medicare, on time if discounted payment. I do believe that under a government sponsored program that a payment scheme like that of the Mayo Clinic or Cleveland Clinic should become the national standard.

I hope that Congress will pass a comprehensive public option and not the watered-down version noted in my first paragraph. In addition there must be some control of the insurance cartel concerning “pre-existing conditions.” It was noted in a 2008 study on law.com that women are discriminated against by the health insurance cartel, being charged as much as 48% more than men for health insurance. Of more than 3500 plans studied, 60% did not cover maternity care, and women are regularly denied coverage for “pre-existing conditions” which can include pregnancy or a previous C-section. In eight states and the District of Columbia, insurers are allowed to use a woman's status as a survivor of domestic violence to deny her health insurance.

It would appear that President Obama has rid himself of his idée fixe concerning Sen. Snow and the need for “bipartisanship.” It seems that he finally has come out from under the cloud of subservience to the insurance, pharmaceutical, and medical appliance industries and will take an active part in providing the 60% of the public and 65% of the physicians with a true, unencumbered public option.

It also appears that the House of Representatives is listening to the majority of the American people and their physicians. One can only hope that Sen. Reid throws off his jellyfish facade, stands up like a true leader, and demands that the Democrats in the Senate vote for cloture, thus avoiding a filibuster by the “death care” inspired Republicans. (What do we do with Sen. Lieberman?) In the meanwhile the majority of the American public must stand firm against the corporations and their political allies who put profit above morality and the negative image of American society in the civilized world.

I am still not sure that the American public understands the term “public option.” I have seen no polling on the matter. Hence, I conducted a brief survey of my own in a grocery store checkout line, talking to six people. Two middle aged ladies with breast cancer ribbons on their lapels were fully informed. One elderly lady feared it would in some way interfere with her Medicare. (I explained that it was merely a Medicare-like program for those under 65, and she was satisfied.)

One gentleman told me that he had General Electric health insurance and was not interested. Another gentleman was fearful of “socialized medicine,” but it turned out that he was a Korean War Vet and attended the V.A. Clinic; hence, it was easy to explain in terms of the V.A. and his wife's Medicare. The sixth, attired in hunter’s garb, assured me that any government program was "Communism," and took off in his Hummer with the NRA sticker on the bumper.

[Dr. Stephen R. Keister lives in Erie, Pennsylvania. He is a retired physician who is active in health care reform.]

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24 October 2009

Fox News : Just Don't Call it 'Journalism'

Glenn Beck of Fox "quote" News.

Fox and its enablers
In the mainstream media
Fox's pretense of being an actual news network is hardly more convincing than, say, Milton Berle in a bra and garters posing as a woman.
By Eric Alterman / October 24, 2009

It's a sad symbol of the state of contemporary American journalism that the White House communications office is doing more to maintain the honor of the profession than are many journalists. But that's just what's happening in the contretemps over Fox News.

Interim White House communications director Anita Dunn has explained to the press that the White House plans to treat Fox "the way we would treat an opponent... As they are undertaking a war against Barack Obama and the White House, we don't need to pretend that this is the way that legitimate news organizations behave."

But many in Washington prefer to pretend. Howard Kurtz, whose talent for clueless conventional thinking is exceeded only by his ability to juggle his myriad conflicts of interest, thinks Obama's reaction to Fox is no different from JFK's complaints about the Herald Tribune, LBJ's unhappiness with the New York Times and various (and endless) Republican attacks on the media, so he finds it "no surprise that the Obama White House isn't happy with its coverage and is battling back."

Baltimore Sun critic David Zurawik professes to hear "echoes of Nixon-Agnew" in the Obama White House and then accuses the administration of failing to "respect press freedom." The Times's David Carr concludes, "So far, the only winner in this latest dispute seems to be Fox News. Ratings are up 20 percent this year, and the network basked for a week in the antagonism of a sitting president."

What all these critics fail to address is that the administration's argument is right on the merits. Fox's pretense of being an actual news network is hardly more convincing than, say, Milton Berle in a bra and garters posing as a woman. By refusing to acknowledge Fox's open and avowed partisanship, its MSM defenders are not only flacking for Ailes & Co.; they're diminishing the work of honest journalists who try to play fair. Ask yourself:
  • Would a genuine news network reproduce a Republican press release, replete with typos?
  • Would a genuine news network run, over a five-day period, twenty-two excerpts from healthcare forums in which every single speaker was opposed?
  • Would a genuine news network allow a producer to cheerlead, off camera, anti-Obama protesters?
  • Would a genuine news network take out full-page ads to complain of insufficient coverage of antigovernment protest marches it had promoted?
  • Would a genuine news network run the following headlines, trumpeting each story as a "Fox Nation Victory"?

    • Senate Removes 'End of Life' Provision
    • Congress Delays Health Care Rationing Bill
    • Anti-Tea Party Reporter Dumped by CNN
    • Obama's Drive for Climate Change Bill Delayed
    • Obama's 'Green Czar' Resigns
(Note: I have not had to quote the lunatic ravings of Messrs. Beck, Hannity or O'Reilly to make my case.)

Fox is not a news organization; it is a propaganda outlet, and an extremist one at that. Is it any wonder that according to survey after survey, Fox News viewers are among the worst informed Americans when it comes to politics, despite their obsessive interest?

A recent study by Democracy Corps finds that this audience believes "Obama is deliberately and ruthlessly advancing a 'secret agenda' to bankrupt our country and dramatically expand government control over all aspects of our daily lives," with the ultimate goal of "the destruction of the United States as it was conceived by our founders and developed over the past 200 years."

There is something to be said for collecting all the crazies in one place. As conservative pundit Reihan Salam argued on behalf of the nuttiness of Glenn Beck, his value lies in the fact that "he's a kind of national therapist for some of America's craziest people, few of whom are willing to go in for professional help." And so it's nice that ABC's John Stossel has migrated to his natural home at Fox and Lou Dobbs is said to be in talks to take his racist rants over there as well.

But the danger increases when the rest of the media allow this particularly swine-ish flu to infect their news operations, and this is the White House's legitimate concern. Why was George Stephanopoulos taking up valuable time in his interview with the President of the United States badgering him about ACORN? ("George, this is not the biggest issue facing the country. It's not something I'm paying a lot of attention to," was Obama's entirely appropriate response.)

And why did Stephanopoulos persistently pester the president, in the same interview, about whether a transformational reform of our dysfunctional healthcare system -- which is on its way to eating up 20 percent of the entire GDP -- could be reduced to the Republican-friendly sound bite "a tax increase"? (Is it surprising that the interview made its way into an RNC attack ad the very next week?)

Is the fear of Fox making its way through ABC's corporate bloodstream? Recently David Axelrod appeared on Stephanopoulos's program and schooled him on the stakes involved: "It's really not news -- it's pushing a point of view. And... other news organizations like yours ought not to treat them that way."

I suppose we can be grateful that Obama has not been asked lately about his flag pin; but it's a sad day when our big media pooh-bahs need instruction on the values and responsibilities of their own profession by political operatives. No one's asking to censor Fox, but a little shame and scorn ought to go a long way. This, thankfully, is one of the concurrent crises facing the profession that journalists can fix all by themselves, and perhaps restore a bit of their self-respect in the process.

[Eric Alterman is a Distinguished Professor of English, Brooklyn College, City University of New York, and Professor of Journalism at the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism. He is also "The Liberal Media" columnist for The Nation and a fellow of The Nation Institute, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress in Washington, DC, where he writes and edits the "Think Again" column, and a senior fellow (since 1985) at the World Policy Institute. This article appears in the November 9, 2009, edition of The Nation.]

Source / The Nation

Thanks to Mercedes Lynn de Uriarte / The Rag Blog

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